KISHANGANJ: Bihar’s Seemanchal is a bundle of wonders. Nestling close to the borders of Bhutan, West Bengal and Nepal, and at one point just 15 km from Bangladesh, this constituency, with a 70 per cent Muslim population, has been a challenge for most parties to win.
It attracts all and sundry—from Asadudddin Owaisi of AIMIM to Mamata ‘Didi’, who has essayed into these parties often. But in its entire history, just one non-Muslim has won the seat—Lakhan Lal Kapoor of Praja Socialist Party, in 1967.
Kishanganj was made famous by Syed Shahabuddin, IFS, representing it twice, with author and editor MJ Akbar winning it once. The BJP’s Syed Shahnawaz Hussein has tried to storm the bastion several times, but won it just once.
In Lalu Prasad’s heyday, Kishanganj turned from a Congress enclave into an RJD fortress, but the former has been the gainer in Assembly votes.
This time the BJP has made way for the JD (U) and hopes to make an NDA dent by riding Bihar Chief Minister Nitish Kumar’s secular credentials. But with the Congress back in the fray, the contest is stiff.
“It’s a poor district”, says Ahmad Bhai, 33. “Seemanchal politics has been turbulent and the colour of the ballot does not change much across the six Assembly constituencies—Bahadurganj, Thakurganj, Kishanganj, Kochadhaman, Amour and Baisi”, he says.
“We will look for a secular candidate”, said Atif Raza, a young graduate from Jadavpur University in Bengal. His father Mohammed Nazrul Raza, 58, a homoeopath, says, “Development is elusive despite Kishanganj being a beneficiary district under the Backward Region Grant Fund.”
“Kishanganj is considered a Congress bastion and has elected eight of its candidates, including Akbar in 1989, but what we have got till now is an extension campus of Aligarh Muslim University”, said Mohammed Mustaque, who runs a book shop.
"On January 14, 2014, UPA chairman Sonia Gandhi laid its foundation, but its progress is slow”, he adds.
“New roads do dot the interiors of Kishanganj, but the tea gardens at Pothia are fading despite initial promise. The jute industry has gone to seed; employment is scarce.” All these troubles Mushtaque.
On Friday, Nitish was in Thakurganj asking for votes for his development work.
“I want my wages”, he said.
Khawaja Anwar, 35, sipping tea on NH-31, which connects Assam through West Bengal, said, “Nitish is not anti-minority. We like him, but the BJP troubles us”. Nitish’s outreach is the reason that the NDA left Purnia, Araraia and Kishanganj in his kitty.
However, Lalu’s RJD is also entrenched, and the late Mohammad Taslimuddin had won the seat in 1998 and 2004, while the BJP’s Syed Shahnawaz Hussein rode a split in Muslim votes in 1999 to score a point.
Local RJD leader Sharil-ul-Haq says, “Issues of poverty and education among Muslims are sore points, as is migration. Economically and educationally deprived, but not politically unaware, Kishanganj has voted with intelligence. It will be the same now”.
Mohammad Murtaza, a retired political science teacher from a Guwahati University college, said, “Lalu’s party has some traction due to its stand on Article 370, the Triple Talaq and the Ram janmabhoomi-like issues”.
However, with AIMIM’s Bihar chief Akhtarul Imam in the fray, besides Syed M Ashraf of JD(U) and Mohammad Javed of the Congress, Kishanganj will, for the first time since 1957, see a triangular contest, said Syed Aladdin and Mohammad S Abdullah.
The seat was held by Congress MP Mohammad Asraul Haque, who died in 2014. Called the Maulana for his wizened wit and religious bent. Haque was also a fighter.
Reena Kumari, a beautician, and her staff Ruhi Khatoon appreciate Nitish’s decision to impose prohibition and for “his religion-free politics”, but Mohammad Imran, 45, a teacher, believes there are no local issues this time.
“People here are usually vocal. This time there is stony silence”, he said.