The events of the year 2000 resonate vividly in my memory. Back then, I was serving as the deputy chief of mission at the Indian embassy in Brussels, a city known for its rich political history and culinary delights. It was in a charming, homely restaurant that our ambassador Chandrasekhar Dasgupta—one of the most astute diplomats India has ever produced—hosted a lunch for several members of the European Parliament. Needing to discuss the Kashmir issue with them, he was understandably nervous, pacing back and forth in the reserved room, carefully contemplating his words.
When the guests arrived, we first enjoyed a delightful lunch. But the real treat came when the ambassador took the floor. With remarkable eloquence, he spent approximately 30 minutes elucidating the Kashmir issue and India’s perspective on Pakistan. As a newly-minted diplomat, one particular element of his speech struck me profoundly: his impassioned plea to the audience not to think of India and Pakistan as two sides of the same coin.
For years, international dignitaries visiting India would also make a point of visiting Pakistan, seemingly to maintain diplomatic balance. “Do not hyphenate India and Pakistan,” he declared. “If you want to come to India, you are most welcome. If you want to go to Pakistan, go to that country. But, for heaven’s sake, don’t consider that because you come to India, you are obligated to go to that country.”
Fast forward to the present, and I find myself reflecting on whether there has been a significant shift in India’s foreign policy—much like the ‘changes’ seen in other areas of governance. We criticised Nehru’s protectionist policies, yet we now embrace the idea of ‘atmanirbharta’ (self-reliance) while navigating the complex South Asian landscape. While we once sought dominance in the region, we appear to have ceded some ground to China.
Our previously-friendly ties with US President Donald Trump have revealed an unsettling unpredictability, while our relationship with Russia is emerging as more stable. Perhaps the era of ‘Hindi Chini bhai bhai’ (Indians and Chinese as brothers) may come back in some form, as we now find ourselves returning to a nonaligned stance, advocating for the priorities of the Global South.
Trump’s assertion that the ceasefire between India and Pakistan was partially due to his tariff threats adds another layer to our understanding of international diplomacy. Although his track record for truthfulness remains suspect, we must study the implications of such statements.
With all this in the backdrop, the government’s decision to send parliamentary delegations to the world’s capitals to advocate for India’s position was perplexing. What was the underlying objective? Was it merely to showcase a united front? Historically, regardless of internal differences, during moments of crisis—be it in 1962, 1965, 1971, or the Kargil and Pulwama incidents—India has presented a unified voice.
India has every right to respond to attacks like the one in Pahalgam. Aside from a few statements from Türkiye, India has not been labelled the aggressor by any significant nation, not excluding the Islamic bloc of countries. Pakistan’s attempt to raise it in the Organisation of Islamic Cooperation failed.
The facts are clear—no country can equate Pakistan with India. Pakistan is financially, economically and politically precarious, teetering on the brink of crisis. India’s GDP stands at almost $4 trillion, while Pakistan’s lingers at below $400 billion. India’s foreign exchange reserves are close to $700 billion, compared to Pakistan’s below $15 billion. With wildly fluctuating inflation and a repeated need for IMF bailouts, Pakistan’s economic landscape has been dismal.
Aasim M Husain, a former deputy director at the IMF, in a paper titled ‘Rescuing Pakistan’s Economy’ published this April, wrote, “Pakistan’s economic performance over the past 55 years has been dreary compared with that of its neighbours, in terms of both economic wellbeing and socio-economic attainment. In the early 1970s, the average Pakistani’s income was higher than that of the average Sri Lankan and almost one-and-ahalf times that of the average Bangladeshi or Indian. By 2023, Pakistan’s per capita income had fallen, in relative terms, to only about half of the level in those other three countries.” Noted Pakistani lawyer Faisal Siddiqui wrote in January 2024: “Pakistan is imploding, and its future is not breakup or collapse but more violence and chaos.”
for India. India’s latest defence budget is over $80 billion, whereas Pakistan’s is around $10 billion. With a greater number of troops, military equipment and a much larger fleet, India easily holds the upper hand. The only arena where both countries appear comparable is in their nuclear capabilities, the use of which would result in mutual destruction.
Politically, Pakistan’s façade of democracy is overshadowed by military dominance. Any military confrontation tends to fortify the army’s grip on power, as seen with General Asim Munir’s promotion to field marshal after the recent conflict. A recent Brookings Institution report highlights how various militant groups operate with tacit support from the Pakistan Army, underscoring a dark partnership that challenges regional stability: “The Pakistani military has allowed a welter of militant and terrorist groups to operate largely unimpeded on its soil… the patterns of state cooperation with these groups are strikingly visible.”
I believe we are giving Pakistan undue importance, inadvertently equating ourselves with them. India has nothing to prove on the world stage, especially given the current realities. The international acknowledgement of Pakistan’s struggles and its role in sponsoring terror is already well-established. As we move forward, it is time to recognise our strengths and assert our position without the burden of being seen as inextricably linked to Pakistan.
We should confidently navigate our diplomatic relations, upholding India’s dignity and asserting our place in the global arena without unnecessary comparisons. It is time we realise that India is a flourishing democracy with a bright future ahead, and we have the potential to lead on the world stage. Terrorists cannot hold us back, and we do not need to explain our retaliatory actions to anyone.
K M Chandrasekhar is a former Cabinet Secretary and the author of As Good as My Word: A Memoir
(kmchandrasekhar@gmail.com)
(Views are personal)