The BJP-led Mahayuti alliance’s victory in the Maharashtra assembly elections has been both celebrated and scrutinised, with the slogan “Batenge to katenge” often highlighted as the pivotal factor behind this success. This catchphrase—translating to “if we are divided, we will be cut down”—has been interpreted in various ways, reflecting the complex socio-political landscape of India. But it calls for a deeper exploration of the reasons and implications behind this electoral triumph.
In my view, “Batenge to katenge” is just the tip of the iceberg. The winning phrase seems to indicate that a Hindu consolidation ensured Mahayuti’s victory. Then what of the reported 22 percent of Muslims who also voted for the so-called rightwing alliance? Again, the official answer trotted out is that Ajit Pawar pulled in these votes.
In support of this thesis, we even saw some identifiably Muslim Mahayuti supporters offering their own interpretation of the slogan. According to them, all Indians, regardless of whether we are Hindus or Muslims, must unite for the national good. That is the true meaning of “Batenge to katenge”. If true, this is indeed heartening. Yet, traditionally, “batna” has been a common word for conversion to Islam.
If it now implies a reverse coalition, if not conversion, into a cohesive Hindu-Muslim Indian identity and voting bloc, that is definitely welcome. But how many believe this to be true? It seems far more idealistic than is perhaps warranted—wishful thinking rather than the ground reality in most of India. For, everywhere else in India, the same slogan has been seen as an electoral war-cry against Muslims and a rallying call to Hindus to support the BJP and its partners.
If Hindu consolidation alone cannot explain the Mahayuti victory, what else does?
The second reason advanced is that the Rashritya Swayamsewak Sangh (RSS), the BJP’s real creator and ideological mentor, played a significant role in this election. Its cadres wholeheartedly participated in these elections unlike the Lok Sabha polls, mobilised extensively, and worked on the ground to ensure voter support. The RSS’s involvement suggests a structured, grassroots campaign that went beyond mere slogans, focusing on direct voter participation and turnout.
It was, however, clear that in return they wanted Devendra Fadnavis as chief minister once again. This promise or tacit understanding likely motivated RSS workers and BJP cadres. A strategic placement of a known and respected figure might have reassured voters of stability and continuity in governance. Yet, this came about somewhat belatedly, with all sorts of drama, including sulking and caste-mongering with the tacit support, as some allege, of the top brass of the BJP.
But now comes the real rub, possibly the most controversial part of the analysis. What do Maharashtra and Haryana have in common when it comes to the recent electoral results, apart from the above two factors? No, I am not talking of electronic voting machine manipulation or tampering. True, both states delivered surprise victories to the BJP, with margins much larger than anyone had forecast or anticipated. What else did they have in common?
Yes, you guessed right. The Modi-Shah control in both states was much less visible or evident than earlier. Even the campaign strategies and appeals to the voters were different. It was no longer Modi alone, even at the state level. Instead, considerable leeway was given to the state level leaders and organisation to plan, manage and execute the campaigns. Also, the all- important choice of candidates. The result? The BJP won handsomely.
The overwhelming dependence or showcasing of only one leader, however tall, is no longer the winning game plan. This may mean a diminished stature for Modi. Already indicated by the remarks of RSS Sarsanghachalak Mohanrao Bhagwat cutting, as many have commented, Modi a couple of notches down to size. The RSS does not like a personality cult overshadowing the ideology. Modi, although extraordinary even by RSS standards, is no exception. If I were to paraphrase Bhagwat, then those who wish to serve should not have a huge ego.
But other than bringing back a little more of the old Narendrabhai and a little less of Messiah Modi, what we might observe is that here is a party that learns quickly, adapts to the changing realities, corrects course and returns to power. This is what makes the BJP the largest and most formidable political force in the recent history of India. And the credit for this must go, in large measure, to Narendra Modi and Amit Shah.
Compare this fast-learning ability to the Congress’s deep inertia or state of stupor. The entire Congress machine, once so effective, seems to be stuck in a rut. Rahul Gandhi, despite his persistence, is unable to offer message of hope, let alone a strong alternative to the BJP narrative. Instead, he is seen as been perennially negative, even “anti-Indian”. The BJP strategy to link him to destabilising foreign forces also seems to stick to him like a burr. There are, in addition, the ongoing cases against him and issues of his citizenship and loyalty.
In India’s changing political landscape, our federal structure, which implies at least the partial autonomy of state leadership, cannot be wished away. A critical factor in both the Haryana and Maharashtra victories was the shift in campaign strategy from a Modi-centric to a state-centric approach. The BJP’s move away from an over-reliance on Modi’s charisma to a more decentralised campaign that leverages local leaders’ popularity and understanding of regional issues seems to have paid rich dividends.
The lesson? Modi is no longer the winning face of the BJP? No. Certainly not.
While some might see these elections results as signalling a diminishing of Modi’s stature, it would be more accurate to view it as a strategic evolution. Modi and Shah’s ability to adapt BJP’s campaign strategy to local contexts showcases their political acumen. This decentralisation doesn’t reduce Modi’s influence, but rather, complements his national appeal with regional strengths.
Modi is still the BJP’s—and India’s—tallest leader. But now there is a little more room for some significant others—not only Yogi Adityanath, but also Devendra Fadnavis—to rise and shine.
Makarand R Paranjape
Director of education, Access Health Care Physicians
Follow him on X @MakrandParanspe