KOCHI: When V D Satheesan took over as Leader of Opposition in May 2021, the Congress in Kerala was staring at one of its lowest ebbs. Reduced to just 21 seats in the assembly and reeling from a second consecutive defeat, the party looked directionless, its cadre demoralised and its traditional support base fractured. At the time, few would have predicted that, within five years, Satheesan would script one of the most remarkable political turnarounds in Kerala’s recent history.
Today, as the Congress-led UDF storms back to power with a commanding 102 seats, Satheesan stands at the centre of that resurgence. The Congress has clinched 63 seats — its best tally in decades — surpassing even its 2001 performance of 62 seats.
Satheesan’s strategy was neither accidental nor cosmetic. It began with a hard look inward. “We went back to the drawing board,” he had said. His diagnosis was clear: from the mid-2000s, key social groups that once formed UDF’s backbone had drifted away. What followed was a sustained, ground-level effort to win them back.
Satheesan didn’t stop at rebuilding old alliances. He expanded the very idea of UDF. Under him, the front evolved into a broader political platform — bringing together not just parties, but social groups, opinion-makers, influencers and even disillusioned Left sympathisers. This recalibration proved decisive. In the assembly and beyond, Satheesan positioned Congress as the “real Left”, accusing the CPM-led LDF of drifting towards right-wing governance under Pinarayi Vijayan. He sensed unrest within Left ranks and acted on it. “I told my workers to smile and greet CPM cadre months before the polls,” he revealed. The approach softened political hostility and opened doors.
His outreach to Left-leaning intellectuals and voters added another layer to the campaign. “Several big names…felt there should not be a third term,” Satheesan said, hinting at a quiet but significant shift among traditional Left supporters. The results bore this out, with the UDF breaching long-standing Left bastions like Payyannur and Thrikaripur.
Equally striking was Satheesan’s decisiveness within his own ranks. Whether it was fielding candidates against internal resistance (sticking with Aryadan Shoukath in Nilambur bypoll), taking a firm stand against communal rhetoric by Vellappally Natesan, or defending tactical alliances (Welfare Party), he projected authority reminiscent of an earlier era. As policy analyst D Dhanuraj observed, “After K Karunakaran, Congress is seeing a decisive leader in Satheesan.”
A shrewd strategist, he had called the poll with uncanny precision, predicting 100-plus tally and defeat of a dozen ministers. He even staked his political future on the result, promising a ‘vanvas’ if he failed.
From a demoralised opposition to a historic mandate, Satheesan has not only revived the Congress but also positioned himself as its undisputed leader in the state. And, on the back of the decisive mandate, he has emerged as the most formidable candidate for the CM post: a fact the high command can’t ignore.
