History is repeating itself in Jantar Mantar, the first time as comedy and the second as tragicomedy. In May, the Cockroach Janta Party went from internet joke to a mass political disruptor. Protest is the ultimate underdog plot: the little guy takes on the big boss, a random joke goes viral, and suddenly the government has a problem it can’t just PR its way out of—student suicides and the education mafia. The NEET paper leak was a genuine cause, and Dharmendra Pradhan’s head rolled. For a hot minute, the cockroach had the elephant sweating. Jailing the lead cockroaches could get sweatier—prison is for criminals, and imprisoning agitating youth create living martyrs. Just as Rahul Gandhi and Neha Bora were seizing Instagram momentum away from CJP, the Three Cockroaches are back to the news cycle. Even godi media seems to have found some lost spinal vertebrae: many channels are broadcasting tales of police beatings, wrongful detentions, and visuals of youth being dragged on the road to fill police buses.
There is no turning back for either the agitators or the government: the protesters can continue their agitation indefinitely, while the government must act. The situation is spiralling out of control for both sides. This protest doesn’t fit previous models: it’s a huge amoeba changing form constantly. They amass in numbers, thin out as Diwali approaches and regroup in large numbers when the weather turns good—maybe a farcical explanation, but is one worth examining. All movements face fatigue factor. This movement’s strategy is not random: while Gandhi and Bora keep the cause alive in the public spotlight, CJP keeps ebbing and flowing like all young people do. This is not a random pattern. The grievance over paper leaks and student suicides was real. It hit students where it hurts—their future, their families’ savings and years of preparation all go down the drain. The CJP’s School Thik Karo campaign took the passion to the next level. It was refreshingly identifiable to disillusioned youth: provide the toilet, repair the classroom, appoint the teachers, and India will be fixed step by step—genuine activism with receipts. The next moves were practically writing themselves: Hospital Thik Karo. Road Thik Karo. The CJP had a real chance to become India’s most persistent public-service auditor, turning everyday public frustrations into relatable campaigns. This model, however, has one basic rule: keep scrutiny consistent. Is inconsistency the new consistency?
When the situations worsened ahead of October 10, Amit Shah ordered 20,000 to 25,000 police personnel to Delhi to oversee law and order. The government’s iron fist emerged from the velvet glove it wore in June. The Rahul-Neha combo immediately scorned the deployment as the government’s fear. Actually, it was the government’s show of strength. But is the government caught in a trap of its own making? It was easy to get Pradhan to resign but getting Gyanesh Kumar out needs an impeachment motion in Parliament. If he doesn’t quit on his own, the government will be seen as shielding a man being called a puppet. After the impeachment motion—if accepted—fails, it is again Advantage Opposition. Meanwhile, there is a statistic that cannot be ignored. The world’s largest Gen Z population is Indian, and also the largest single voting bloc. No party can afford to mess with them. Going by their slogans, Gen Z believes their right to vote—the right to participate in democracy—is being reportedly stolen by Gyanesh on behalf of the BJP government. Youth want to amplify their voice by voting. Tampering with this right—even as perception—is highly emotive for them. In 2014, the percentage of electors aged 18-29 was over 20 per cent of India’s 814.59 million registered electorate. In 2029, this will rise to 27.8 per cent, say UN demographic projections.
The math is complicated. However, this time the government is adding up the costs. When the CJP’s target moved to Gyanesh, Shah seems to have recognised where this was heading: politics. The Rahul Gandhi-Neha Bora team’s street politics—agitate and be arrested—is getting eyeballs. Their rhetoric is far more visible than that of CJP leaders. Big cyclones sweep away everything in their path, but even a cyclone cannot uproot a mountain. The CJP established its ability to whip up a storm, but hasn’t yet proved it can move the mountain. A mountaineer’s biggest mistake is to confuse the first ridge with the summit. In politics, this can cost an entire climb. The cockroach has reached its first ridge. It doesn’t need Rahul or Neha to be its Sherpa. It must be its own Sherpa.
