Those who know Union Home Minister Amit Shah also know about his ideological commitment, political acumen and organisational skills. But many may not know how he integrates these traits through strong political will.
This will has been manifest in both the high-profile national roles he has played: as BJP president earlier and as Union home minister now. From the abrogation of Article 370 to seeing through the Citizenship Amendment Act, many legislative feats were scripted by him. But the most unique could be his courage of conviction in proclaiming that by March 31, 2026, the nation would be free from the threat of Naxalism. It is remarkable that he has fulfilled the promise.
According to government data, the number of districts affected by left-wing extremism—the name by which Naxalism is officially referred to—was reduced to 11 in 2025 from 126 before 2014. While the whittling down has been officially attributed to a strategy combining targeted security operations (killing and surrender of Maoist commanders), infrastructure development (building roads and mobile towers) and broadening of developmental aid in the affected areas, certain other factors have also contributed.
At least five other key aspects of the Centre’s considered strategy merit analysis—concerted efforts for de-romanticisation of Naxalism, a non-compromisingly implemented policy of zero-tolerance to violence, taking up infrastructure projects as a gateway to human development while emphasising local people as the primary stakeholders, breaking the nexus between Naxal leaders and administration officials, and demolishing networks of ‘urban Naxals’.
Through these multi-faceted measures, the authorities ensured that the gen-next of tribal communities realised there was nothing ‘cool’ about being a Naxal. The government also dextrously established that it is prudent to take the path of peace and surrender unconditionally. While a well-curated carrot-and-stick approach was taken, transformative governance was seen as demonstrably preferred to punitive actions. Most key leaders who opted to surrender were given a hero’s welcome, apart from help to settle down in other areas respectably, swiftly.
Over the last two years, a total of 1,053 extremists opted to bid farewell to arms. Rehabilitation programmes like the Lon Varratu (meaning ‘Return to your home’ in Gondi language) initiative encouraged the reintegration of Maoist cadres in society. Between 2020 and 2024, over 1,000 Maoists surrendered under the programme, receiving housing, skills training and financial aid tailored to their ranks. A study commissioned by the Bureau of Police Research and Development concluded, “These measures have mitigated animosity and fostered trust between the State and affected communities.”
This was complimented by a policy of zero tolerance towards violence. On the one hand, central agencies like the National Investigative Agency and Enforcement Directorate dismantled Maoist financial networks, seizing crores of rupees in assets. On the other, specialised forces like the Commando Battalion for Resolute Action and the Greyhound unit targeted top Naxal leaders, leading to a 90 percent drop in fatalities since 2010.
Security interventions were given more impetus to address operational challenges more effectively. It was ensured that the number of fortified police stations in the Naxal-affected districts was taken to 586 in 2025 from 66 in 2014 and the impact of this was for all to see. This strengthened the morale of the forces apart from providing essential protection and infrastructure.
Also, since 2014, there has been far closer coordination between Naxal-affected states and the Central Armed Police Forces. As a result, between 2020 and 2022, the forces could jointly neutralise 14 politburo members, creating a leadership vacuum within the Maoist hierarchy. Local recruitment initiatives like the Bastariya Battalion and Bastar Fighters also served as confidence-building measures with more people familiar with the terrain and culture joining the forces.
Besides all this, the policy of using infrastructure as a gateway to opportunities and giving a sense of being a stakeholder in development to tribal communities also helped. In Chhattisgarh’s Bastar, the heart of Maoist activity, 9,912 km of roads were constructed between 2014 and 2023 under the Road Connectivity Project for Left Wing Extremism Areas, compared to less than 3,000 km in the previous decade.
Those who regularly visit Dantewada witnessed how iconic projects like the Chhindnar bridge connected remote villages, reduced security vacuums and facilitated economic activity. The BPRD study noted, “Enhanced mobile connectivity through the installation of 4,072 towers in phase two of the mobile connectivity project has empowered local youth with educational opportunities and countered Maoist propaganda. Financial inclusion has also improved, with 4,903 new post offices, 955 bank branches and 839 ATMs established in affected areas since 2016, promoting local development.”
What has also been remarkable is a well-crafted policy of breaking the back of elements thriving on clandestine nexus between Naxals and power-brokers, with interests vested in largely manufactured conflicts. The link between Naxal cadres and their supporters within the police and administration, which historically allowed Maoists to operate along the Red Corridor, was systematically destroyed through a strategy comprising proactive intelligence, legal action and sanitisation of police forces.
In official documents, this is referred to as the process of transitioning from a defensive posture to an aggressive ‘clear-hold-build’ approach. Yet another creatively-conceived project was of reaching out to ‘misguided brethren’ to win them back, undertaken with the vision of developing a community policing strategy for Naxalism-affected areas. It was done to prevent subversive elements from misguiding and brainwashing the local population, weaning away the already-subverted ones and facilitating provisioning of basic amenities and livelihoods for the local youth.
Unravelling the network of urban Naxals was also given high priority in the overall strategy. In this regard, Home Minister Shah was clear and upfront. He is on record saying, “Why have roads not been built in left-wing-dominated areas? Because the Naxalites killed the contractors.” He added, “Why don’t intellectuals who write lengthy articles advising the government write about the victimised tribals?” For the first time, somebody was calling a spade a spade.
Vinay Sahasrabuddhe | Senior BJP leader
(Views are personal)
(vinays57@gmail.com)