Small fixes or full reform is the question

Sri Lanka’s NPP government faces growing scrutiny over its plan to extend judges’ tenure, and the proposal has ignited debate over judicial independence, career bottlenecks and constitutional safeguards
Despite formal justifications, the abrupt cabinet paper has triggered public criticism regarding the NPP coalition's motives
Despite formal justifications, the abrupt cabinet paper has triggered public criticism regarding the NPP coalition's motives(Express illustrations | Sourav Roy)
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4 min read

From prisons to courtrooms, Sri Lanka’s crises continue to unfold across multiple fronts, with the government’s push to increase the retirement age of judges sparking a fierce debate over timing, motives and governance implications.

A swift and contentious debate over judicial terms has opened a fresh rift between the executive and the judiciary. At the heart of the friction is a legislative effort to raise the retirement age of the nation's judges, an initiative backed by the administration as a remedy for chronic court delays but widely viewed by critics as a move to alter the leadership trajectory of the highest courts.

While ruling leaders describe the changes as a structural measure needed to clear severe case backlogs and modernise public institutions, legal scholars, civil society groups and independent observers widely view the sudden timing as a move designed to influence judicial leadership succession.

From crowded prisons to overburdened courtrooms, the nation's crises continue to unfold across multiple fronts, rendering the debate over judicial retirement ages a pivotal flashpoint regarding the future of constitutional democracy and democratic governance in Sri Lanka.

The policy initiative was pushed through a cabinet paper last week by Justice and National Integration Minister Harshana Nanayakkara. If enacted by parliament, statutory retirement limits would expand across the bench by two years: Supreme Court justices would serve until age 67 rather than 65; Court of Appeal judges would remain on the bench until 65; High Court jurists would serve until 63; and lower-tier magistrates alongside district court judges would retire at 62. Proponents within the administration maintain that prolonged terms will preserve institutional expertise, curb professional brain drain, expand administrative capacity and operationalise key campaign commitments of the National People's Power (NPP) aimed at building a modern, efficient and transparent justice framework that could guarantee the delivery of justice at speed.

Despite these formal justifications, the abrupt submission of the cabinet paper has triggered immediate scepticism and public criticism regarding the governing NPP coalition's motives.

Detractors argue that utilising a commanding parliamentary supermajority to adjust sitting limits mid-service strikes at the heart of institutional independence and destabilises constitutional safeguards. In particular, critics allege that the primary impetus behind the legislative push is to prolong the tenure of the incumbent chief justice while quietly blocking the advancement of the bench’s next senior Supreme Court judge from being elevated to the top position. This perception of political expediency sparked public debate, with the legal fraternity convening a historic general meeting of the Bar Association of Sri Lanka (BASL) on July 29, drawing unprecedentedly high attendance via physical and virtual channels. More significant than the numbers is the unanimous adoption of a resolution opposing mid-service tenure alterations.

The legislative drive has also exposed internal discord within the government's own base of support. Key legal figures affiliated with the ruling party, such as senior practitioner Lal Wijenayake, publicly broke ranks with the administration line during the BASL assembly, revealing that the party's primary decision-making bodies had never requested the extension scheme. This internal friction was further corroborated by senior party insiders who noted off the record that global benchmarks were being retroactively cited to justify a measure that was never part of the original legal overhaul envisioned by the administration. Furthermore, representative bodies such as the Judicial Service Association of Sri Lanka, which represents district judges and magistrates, warned of severe administrative ripple effects, noting that freezing positions at the top tier would inevitably suppress promotional pathways, delay career advancement and worsen operational bottlenecks throughout the judicial hierarchy.

This dispute, however, unfolds against a long-standing crisis in the nation's justice system, which is currently struggling under roughly 11.3 lakh unresolved cases spread across 293 courts nationwide. Lower tribunals bear the heaviest burden of this systemic paralysis, with magistrates' courts holding over 8.18 lakh active cases and district courts handling around 2.6 lakh along with thousands more pending before other courts, including the Court of Appeal and the Supreme Court. The strain is worsened by a shortage of judges; national capacity stands at around 20 judges per 10 lakh residents, well below the national requirement and global standards. The problem is made worse by recent recruitment drives failing to attract enough candidates.

While opponents maintain that these bottlenecks cannot be resolved simply by postponing retirements without addressing deeper procedural flaws, the government insists that term extensions are just one part of the NPP’s broader reform package. Ministry officials point to ongoing efforts to expand court administrative staff, reorganise the Attorney General’s Department and clear chronic processing delays at the Government Analyst’s Department. Pro-government legal groups have also pushed back against critics, arguing that extended or lifetime judicial appointments are standard practice in other constitutional systems and should not be opposed without reason.

As the government stays determined to push for reforms including the postponement of retirements, the matter has drawn international scrutiny from oversight bodies such as LawAsia and the Commonwealth Lawyers’ Association. Meanwhile, a high-profile court delivered capital sentences to a former defence secretary and a police chief over historical criminal negligence and security failures linked to the 2019 coordinated Easter Sunday bombings.

Yet the country is carefully watching the administration to see if it will allow further constitutional scrutiny to determine whether implementation requires a simple parliamentary majority or a national referendum, particularly on the question of piecemeal reform. At this point, the administration's motive is under the public microscope more than it seems to understand, creating a dent in public trust.

Dilrukshi Handunnetti | Award-winning journalist and lawyer; founder and director of Colombo-based Center for Investigative Reporting

(Views are personal)

(dilrukshi@cir.lk)

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