In the tawdry arena of Indian politics, where family factions fan fraternal fury, power is the only prize worth snatching. Telangana’s Bharat Rashtra Samithi has unleashed a sibling slugfest that could shame a reality show. K Chandrasekhar Rao’s daughter, K Kavitha, has lobbed a grenade at her father’s legacy, accusing his “devilish” advisors of plotting a BJP merger, while her brother, K T Rama Rao, clings to the party’s helm like a captain on a sinking skiff. Kavitha’s Telangana Jagruthi office is less a haven of goodwill and more a bunker for her rebellion.
This isn’t just a Telangana tantrum, but a symptom of a festering rot in India’s regional political dynasties, where siblings, nephews and sons brawl over political capital of caste, community and regional pride. From the BRS’s Telugu heartland to the NCP’s Maratha bastions, the SP’s Yadav strongholds, the RJD’s OBC fiefdom, the BSP’s Dalit dreams, the TMC’s Bengali fervour, the DMK’s Dravidian roots, and the PMK’s Vanniyar base—these parties thrive on social and regional identities, yet their family feuds threaten to unravel them. The reward is votes, loyalty and legacy.
Can these political clans survive their infighting? Will prosperity and education bury them? And what does their fate mean for India’s political future? The BRS, forged in the fire of the Telangana statehood movement, banks on Telugu pride against Andhra’s shadow. Kavitha’s post-jail revolt and KTR’s dogged control expose a rift that could splinter this identity. KCR, the Telangana titan, stays mute; but his children’s clash risks alienating voters who rallied for statehood. The BRS’s regional clout teeters as Telangana’s urban boom fuels demands for accountability over dynasty. If the BRS disintegrates, the BJP and Congress, already circling, will swoop in, with the BJP’s nationalist pitch and Congress’s welfare promises luring urban and rural voters. Consolidation, though unlikely, would make the BRS a regional kingmaker, forcing national parties to court it for coalitions, amplifying Telangana’s voice in Delhi.
In Bihar, the Rashtriya Janata Dal leans on its OBC and Muslim vote bank, and Lalu Prasad Yadav’s anti-elite legacy. His sons, Tej Pratap and Tejashwi, are locked in a clownish feud as Tej Pratap’s social media rant about “Jaichands” and a 12-year romance clash with Tejashwi’s steady hand as Lalu’s heir. The RJD’s political now wobbles as Tej Pratap’s antics, in the backdrop of his estranged wife Aishwarya’s lament, alienate voters. If the RJD fractures, Bihar’s educated youth craving jobs over drama could turn to the BJP’s development narrative or Nitish Kumar’s JD(U) again. Consolidation under Tejashwi would bolster the RJD’s clout, challenging the BJP’s dominance and forcing the Congress to play second fiddle in alliances.
UP’s Samajwadi Party (SP), rooted in Yadav and OBC identity, still stings from its 2016 family feud, when Akhilesh Yadav ousted uncle Shivpal, costing the party the 2017 election. Akhilesh now wields the SP’s political clout consisting of its caste-based vote bank. But UP’s urbanising youth, less swayed by caste, demand results. If the SP splinters further, the BJP with its Hindutva and development mix will tighten its grip on the state, leaving the Congress to pick up scraps. A unified SP leveraging its Yadav-Muslim base could challenge the BJP’s hegemony, forcing national parties to negotiate hard for UP’s 80 Lok Sabha seats.
Maharashtra’s NCP, built on Maratha pride and rural networks, is reeling from Ajit Pawar’s 2023 betrayal splitting from Sharad Pawar and his daughter Supriya Sule to join the BJP. Ajit’s grab for the NCP’s name, symbol and the Maratha vote bank left Supriya’s faction scrambling. If the split persists, the BJP and its ally Shiv Sena will dominate the state, with the Congress gaining marginal urban votes. A reunited NCP, though a long shot, could reclaim its kingmaker status, forcing national parties to vie for its support in coalition games.
The BSP, anchored in Dalit empowerment, is Mayawati’s fortress. Her anointment of brother Anand Kumar and nephew Aakash screams of nepotism. Its political capital is its Jatav Dalit base, which is slipping as educated Dalits drift to BJP’s development promises. If the BSP collapses under dynastic weight, the BJP will absorb its voters, cementing dominance in UP, while the Congress might snag urban Dalits. Consolidation under Aakash, if Mayawati steps back, could revive the BSP’s Dalit clout, challenging national parties in UP’s caste cauldron.
West Bengal’s Trinamool Congress, fuelled by Bengali sub-nationalism, is Mamata Banerjee’s domain, with nephew Abhishek Banerjee as heir. His rise as MP and party general secretary irks veterans, but Mamata’s grip keeps dissent at bay. But Bengal’s growing middle class demands merit. If the TMC fractures post-Mamata, the BJP’s Hindutva pitch could sway voters, with the Congress a distant contender. A consolidated TMC under Abhishek could dominate Bengal, forcing national parties to cede ground in eastern coalitions.
In Tamil Nadu, the DMK thrives on Dravidian identity, championing Tamil pride and social justice. M K Stalin, Karunanidhi’s son, rules unchallenged, grooming his son Udhayanidhi Stalin as successor, with hardly any overt pushback from anyone within the family or outside. The DMK’s politics, comprising its Tamil base and anti-Hindi stance, is robust, but Tamil Nadu’s IT-driven prosperity is breeding a youth sceptical of dynasty. In the unlikely but hypothetical situation of the DMK splintering, the BJP could gain urban footholds while the AIADMK mops up rural votes. A unified DMK, with Udhayanidhi at the helm, would keep Tamil Nadu a regional stronghold by marginalising national parties.
The Pattali Makkal Katchi, ensconced in Tamil Nadu’s Vanniyar caste silo, faces collapse as S Ramadoss battles son Anbumani, who was sacked from party president’s chair in April 2025 over a BJP alliance spat. Anbumani’s defiance targets the PMK’s political foundation. If the PMK implodes, the DMK and AIADMK will rupture its fountainhead, with the BJP gaining marginal caste votes. But a united PMK could still sway coalitions, forcing national parties to court its niche clout.
The BRS, RJD, SP, NCP, BSP, TMC, DMK and PMK hoard their clan currency shutting out outsiders, while their first families brawl. Their survival hinges on quelling these feuds, but the future looks grim. Prosperity and education are rewriting India’s political script. Urbanising voters demand competence over lineage. Caste and regional loyalties, the bedrock of these parties, weaken as education fosters scepticism and prosperity prioritises results.
If these dynasties disintegrate, the national parties will feast on the remains. The BJP is poised to dominate in fragmented states like UP, Bihar, Maharashtra and Bengal, while the Congress could gain urban and minority votes. Smaller players like JD(U) or AIADMK could also scoop up regional scraps. Consolidation, though unlikely, would make these parties formidable. Come 2029, a united BRS, SP or DMK could dictate coalition terms, forcing the BJP and Congress to play ball in Delhi’s power games. India’s future politics will likely see national parties dominating as regional clans implode, unable to adapt to a voter base that’s richer, savvier and fed up with family drama. But only if the national giants carefully navigate the rubble of dynastic detritus littered with the DNA of flawed family ambitions.
Read all columns by Prabhu Chawla
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