SONAPUR: A 6-km-long paver block road from the National Highway 27 at Sonapur traverses to Kachutali, where a mosque, a dilapidated concrete house and a madrassa stand tall amid ruins. They are mute witnesses to the September 12, 2024, violent clashes between alleged encroachers of tribal belts and blocks and police personnel.
Two settlers were killed, and over 30 others, including police personnel and government officials, were injured. Hundreds of houses, belonging to Bengali-speaking Muslims who are known by the pejorative term “Miyas” in Assam, were razed, but authorities spared the Kachutali Jamia Masjid and its two other properties.
A section of the evictees found refuge on the mosque’s three-bigha premises, under a cluster of crammed, dingy bamboo hutments with no basic amenities at their disposal. A well, dug by the settlers, lies at the edge of the settlement and is the only source of drinking water for dozens of families. They rely on the nearby Digaru river to bath, or wash their clothes and utensils.
Only one makeshift toilet caters to women and girls. The men and the boys defecate in the open.
The scene is no better at two other adjoining areas where the evicted people are living. Overall, there are more than 2,000 voters.
The men eked out a living by toiling in the fields. They now work as daily wage labourers.
According to locals, a lower primary school in Kachutali was closed down just days after the spate of violence, forcing many children to drop out.
Assam will go to elections on April 9, but there is no excitement among these evictees, for their names have allegedly been deleted from the voter list. They said they had voted in past elections.
Some youngsters said they were born in Kachutali and lived their lives here.“We ran from pillar to post, meeting government officials in Guwahati and Sonapur, after our names were deleted. Despite assurances, nothing happened,” lamented Surdot Ali, a middle-aged man.
The eviction drive was launched on September 9, with authorities flattening houses. The violence broke out three days later when a drive was resumed to evict those who had reoccupied the land.
Reminiscing about the events leading up to eviction, Jaharat Ali said notices were issued with a three-day deadline to vacate houses. “We all panicked when two persons were killed and a few others were picked up by the police. Even the ring wells were not spared during the eviction drive,” he said.
Akkas Ali (34) said most evictees were originally from Darrang district across the Brahmaputra in Northern Assam, claiming that his father relocated 42 years ago. “I was born here. We have documents to prove that we bought land from locals. We paid land taxes regularly,” Ali said.
Mahir Haque (28) suspected that disfranchisement is the first step toward deportation. “If you have the right to vote, you are a citizen of the country,” he said, adding, “We are not Bangladeshis but genuine Indian citizens.”
The second phase of eviction in the same month was halted after a section of settlers had moved the Gauhati High Court. The case is pending.
Tribal belts and blocks in Assam are protected for tribal communities. According to official data, the Assam government reclaimed 1.5 lakh bighas of forest and government lands by evicting encroachers, largely Bengali-speaking Muslims. There are still over 20 lakh bighas of land under encroachment.
Eviction has been a major poll plank of the ruling BJP, which critics view as an attempt to polarise voters. Recently, Chief Minister Himanta Biswa Sarma stated that the BJP would target to clear encroachment from 5 lakh bighas of land over the next five years, if re-elected.
Accusing Congress of “normalising” the infiltration of Bangladeshis, Union Home Minister Amit Shah stated, “The infiltrators have been evicted from Kaziranga National Park and Batadrava – the birthplace of saint-reformer Sankardeva. Give us one more mandate, we will reclaim the remaining lands, currently under the illegal occupation of infiltrators.”
