He could well be termed BJP’s dark horse this assembly election. As he himself points out, compared to the two other MLA-elects from his party, state president Rajeev Chandrasekhar and former state president V Muraleedharan, he is “just a commoner”. But it is precisely his commoner image, coupled with persistent groundwork in the constituency, that has helped B B Gopakumar – a former Congress leader – capture Chathannoor, a Left bastion, for the BJP.
He spoke to TNIE on the factors that led to his victory, why he thinks the Left is “finished’’ in the state, and why top leaders from the Congress and the CPM are slowly gravitating towards the BJP.
Excerpts
Your victory from Chathannoor has been a major boost for the BJP. How do you see this election compared to the previous two?
In 2011, BJP got 3,388 votes. That jumped to 33,000 in 2016. That’s a massive change. Our growth started from there. Later, in 2021, the votes increased by another 10,000. Chathannoor is the only constituency in Kerala where BJP’s vote share increased by 10,000 in the 2021 assembly elections. When 2026 arrived, it increased by another 10,000 votes, reaching 52,000. This time, people thought that since we came second twice, we should come first.
How did you manage such a huge jump?
For the past four decades, I’ve been working in the public sphere in Chathannoor. I stood with the common man, the poor, and the labourers. I became the panchayat president in ‘95. In ‘99, I became the president of the Chathannoor SNDP Union – a position I still hold.
My continuous presence as a public representative and my work for labourers were the main reasons for the vote jump in 2016. The two other winning BJP candidates are former central ministers. Compared to them, I’m just a commoner.
You were a Congress leader. Your father too. Why the shift from Congress to BJP?
It happened just before the 2016 election. Around four-five months before the election, my neighbour Unni, a Sangh pracharak, insisted that I be the BJP candidate. His persistence, along with some neglect I faced within the Congress, led to the decision. I took BJP membership via a missed call, and a few hours later, I was declared a BJP candidate.
After your victory, the Congress alleged that BJP and RSS helped K N Balagopal in Kottarakkara, and in return, CPM helped you in Chathannoor. Is there any truth to it?
Why couldn’t UDF get the votes they received in the last Lok Sabha elections in Chathannoor? Everyone should show basic courtesy to accept the people’s mandate instead of calling it a deal when BJP wins. Interpreting a victory as a way to mock the people is inappropriate for a public worker. This attitude should change. We won because of our work.
The CPI assessment is that had G S Jayalal contested, the result would have been different. Do you think that would have been a tougher fight?
I firmly believe that if it were Jayalal, my majority would have crossed 10,000. There was a lot of dissatisfaction within the Left camp against him. There were plans to replace him last time due to some allegations. This time, the dissatisfaction was even higher. Even in the Congress, there were people unhappy about seat distribution. People decided, and the people won.
All three BJP seats now were previously LDF strongholds. In the larger picture, who will be more affected when BJP grows?
BJP is a growing movement in Kerala. If you look at national politics, people’s trust is shifting to BJP. UDF secured a major victory, while LDF lost, including its ministers. But the change in vote percentage for BJP in the three seats shows that Kerala is thinking differently. People want an alternative to these two fronts, and that is Modiji’s politics. Kerala needs development activities from Modiji’s government. People now feel that between the two, BJP is the alternative.
You finished second twice and have now won. But BJP’s local body representation is low. Why is there growth for you but not for the party?
That isn’t right. We have a vice-president in Chathannoor panchayat. It’s true that the votes I got for the assembly weren’t reflected in the panchayat elections. But we now have 40 representatives in the local bodies of Chathannoor. When I contested in 2021, we had 34. There’s a significant increase. We even ruled the Kalluvathukkal panchayat once.
Isn’t this victory more about Gopakumar’s personal influence than the BJP?
It’s the organisation, not the individual. The organisation is everything. An individual might have some influence. It’s a combination of both.
Your campaign was silent—five rounds of squad work—while the campaigns in Nemom and Kazhakkottam were high-octane...
The Sangh Parivar decided on a silent campaign this time. We focused on booth-level activities—house visits, family meetings, and interactions with people. My entire team and Sangh Parivar workers focused on this booth-level work. The entire Sangh Parivar was involved from the very beginning.
The Congress achieved a big victory this election. Did you anticipate such a verdict?
UDF and Congress have a very weak organisational structure. There was a general sentiment among the people against the Pinarayi government. That sentiment favoured UDF as they were the opposition. The votes against the Pinarayi government went to UDF. People just wanted Pinarayi to go. But now people have started saying they shouldn’t have voted for them (UDF).
But V D Satheesan had confidently said they would win over 100 seats…
Everyone says such things during elections. After polling, they scaled it down to 80 seats. I don’t think they expected 100 seats. Even V D Satheesan remained silent when questioned by the media after polling. It’s just that the anti-incumbency against Pinarayi favoured them.
Did CPM fail to understand there was such a strong public sentiment against the LDF government?
The time for CPM to realise this is over in Kerala. Their local committees were reporting a victory by 15,000 votes in Chathannoor. A CPM leader close to me told me that they reported to the party that Jayalal would lead by 60 votes in his booth, but he knew I was leading. He told me they didn’t even distribute notices that had the CM’s photo. CPM has failed to understand the mind-set of even its own workers.
Are you saying ‘real communists’ are winning now?
Yes, real communists won. We have ideological differences with G Sudhakaran, but he spoke about how the prime minister picked up a pen he dropped and returned it to him. Real communists win, while communist dictators lose.
Do you think CPM can make a comeback?
Has CPM returned to power in Bengal and Tripura? In Kerala, BJP alone holds that possibility.
Do you mean to say that BJP will grow into the space left open by CPM?
Naturally. Communist party workers are joining BJP in large numbers. There’s also dissatisfaction within the Congress, with some feeling that the Muslim League is ruling. This too will drive people towards BJP.
On Satheesan becoming the chief minister, BJP leaders like K Surendran have said the League or Jamaat-e-Islami is going to rule…
It took them 10 days to decide on the CM. Rahul Gandhi reportedly spent three hours with K C Venugopal to settle the issue. I saw Venugopal offering his national general secretary post, making his dissatisfaction clear. The League’s stand was crucial. Congress high command reportedly asked the League if they were okay with changing Satheesan. So then, whose agenda is being implemented? This is what BJP is telling the people.
Your argument is that Satheesan came into the picture because of pressure from the League. But the League is a recognised political party. Is there a problem with the League ruling?
We aren’t saying there’s a problem with the League ruling. Any majority party can rule... that’s democratic. But the ideas, agendas, and development activities being implemented should be for social justice. Everyone should get their rights and benefits equally. That is all the BJP is saying.
This is what community organisations such as NSS and SNDP Yogam also say. Will there be a shift in their approach towards BJP?
Community organisations decide their own agenda. But yes, the discussion on the dangers of depriving people of equal rights and benefits have reached the grassroots level.
K Surendran’s post had a photo of a League leader and a Jamaat-e-Islami leader, calling them the Congress high command. What was intended?
The League takes decisions in UDF and Congress just obeys. Satheesan was picked as the League wanted him as CM. Why was Venugopal, the national general secretary who handles everything, sidelined? He has the support of a majority of MLAs.
Will these differences within the Congress affect the government’s functioning starting Monday?
This has been the reason for the downfall of the Congress in many states. There are reports about how many ministers will be there for KC’s camp and how many for Ramesh Chennithala’s. If the CM doesn’t have the freedom to choose his ministers, how can he lead? This will affect the government. They don’t trust each other. This kind of ministry won’t be able to do much for the development of Kerala. V D Satheesan will have to work with ministers chosen by KC and Ramesh.
There’s an allegation that UDF politics is currently led by the Congress, the League, and the Jamaat-e-Islami. Does this mean Kerala is becoming a fertile ground for Hindutva politics?
Is Hindutva politics solely what BJP represents? Since 2014, the Modi government has governed for everyone in this country. No politics or religion was mixed in any development matters. We are saying there should be no partiality in the development of this state. There should be no bias in addressing public needs. It must include everyone. There is a feeling that the current system is not inclusive. That is exactly why we say it is being controlled by extremist organisations like SDPI and Jamaat-e-Islami.
So, is development politics, and not Hindutva politics, going to be the turning point for BJP’s growth in Kerala?
We mentioned nationalism. Is nationalism something separate from Hindutva? Aren’t they both the same? Nationalism is intertwined with Hindutva. What we are saying is what Narendra Modiji’s government has said—about a developed India (Viksit Bharat). A developed India by 2047. After Rajeev Chandrasekharji came to Kerala, he proposed the idea of a ‘developed Kerala’. This is an idea different from the usual politics of Kerala.
After Rajeev Chandrasekhar took over as BJP state chief, was there a change in the way he handled the elections?
He doesn’t focus on allegations and counter-allegations. Instead, his focus was on a ‘developed Kerala’.
Kerala is still the one state that remains completely out of reach for BJP. Is capturing Kerala the next focus for BJP, now that it has captured Bengal?
Yes, it is. You know how many seats we had in Bengal, right? We started from three there as well. Like Bengal, Kerala is not unattainable for BJP. There will be a change. All sections of people here will accept BJP. The LDF and the UDF have created a certain perspective against BJP in Kerala. Both had a single slogan: “This time we will close BJP’s account”. At the national level, they are one. They spread propaganda at the national level that if BJP came to power, there would be extreme communalism and casteism. Nothing like that happened. In Kerala, this election has marked the beginning of a change in the people’s thought process.
One of the factors for UDF’s victory is minority consolidation. In such a situation, what’s the possibility for BJP?
Isn’t BJP ruling Goa? Isn’t BJP ruling states where minorities are significant? Don’t BJP MPs and MLAs emerge from places where minorities are prominent in assembly and Lok Sabha elections?
Except for three isolated wins, BJP didn’t make a mark in Christian-dominated areas. Didn’t you say a dozen MLAs would flow in? What happened?
The reason for the rejection is the misunderstandings LDF and UDF created. It will take a little time for it to change. By the next assembly election, it will change. BJP will win in the parliament elections as well. Someone from Kollam will become a Union minister.
Who?
That is for the party to decide. Whoever the candidate, we will win in Kollam.
What will be your strategy in the assembly?
The Kerala assembly will become the voice of Narendra Modi. Whatever Narendra Modiji has brought to this country should also be brought to Kerala. That will be the voice heard in the Kerala assembly from now on.
UDF has a huge majority of 102 seats, and there’s a strong Left in opposition. You may get one or two minutes to speak. Will BJP be able to make its voice heard?
Why not? There are 137 on one side. Isn’t it their agenda to keep BJP away? We three will be the real opposition. We will get at least a minute to speak, right? That’s enough. We can raise issues of the masses. We are the opposition against 137 who have the same agenda as that at the national level. It is BJP’s voice that’s going to be noticed. Moreover, we can’t say for sure that Ramesh Chennithala won’t join BJP. Aren’t such news reports coming in?
That’s a big statement. Can you really say that a senior leader like Chennithala will join BJP?
Didn’t A K Antony’s son join? Discontented Congress leaders may naturally consider. There are such indications.
Do you expect an influx of disgruntled Congress leaders?
Definitely. It will include both Congress and CPM leaders, including some MLAs. It seems likely in the future. Didn’t AAP MPs and MLAs join BJP?
So, ‘Operation Kamala’ will happen?
(Smiles). Naturally, Operation Kamala will happen. I was just commenting on some media reports. I was not inviting him.
In 2016, BJP got its first MLA in senior leader O Rajagopal. He couldn’t make his voice heard in the assembly. The account was closed in 2021…
We have now reopened the account. Moreover, we won the neighbouring seats of Kazhakkoottam and Chathannoor. If we can win in Chathannoor, we can win anywhere. Winning in a communist stronghold like Chathannoor is the beginning of a series of victories for BJP.
But compared to the past, BJP’s vote share is dipping in Manjeshwar…
Didn’t K Surendran increase his votes by 18,000 there? I think the LDF candidate didn’t even get his deposit back. It means there was a polarisation to defeat Surendran.
How many seats will BJP get in the next assembly?
I have already said that next time 3 will become 73. There are disgruntled leaders in both LDF and UDF. The two fronts have an understanding between them. The people have started realising it. That’s why people are thinking of a third alternative in Kerala. There’s a huge Modi effect in Kerala.
So, in future, will it be Congress on one side and BJP on the other?
Yes. Congress will be the main opposition. In no state has CPM made a comeback after a decline.
There was no major increase in BJP’s vote share this time around...
Currently, BJP rules 20 states. In most of those states, it was a step-by-step change. A change is not just based on numbers and percentages. It won’t take long for the masses to change their mind. There are also indications of leaders coming in from other parties. Both these will together bring in the change. I’m certain the changes will lead to BJP ruling the state.
BJP has been on a Christian outreach for a while. The poll results show it failed to yield results...
The term Christian outreach is a media creation. We are a party that interacts with all sections of people. We only oppose certain extreme agendas. BJP shares good relations with our Muslim and Christian brothers. We oppose anyone who speaks in a way that threatens nationalism. We have no other agenda.
In north India, many Christian missionaries face attacks. Is it because of their actions against nationalism?
Those are isolated incidents. Such instances occurred during the UPA regime too. BJP and Sangh Parivar do not have any such agenda. We won’t say the work by missionaries is against nationalism. We know who acts against nationalism. We know why some extremist organisations are banned.
How was the approach of SNDP and NSS towards you?
We share good relations with everyone. BJP doesn’t interfere in the agendas of community organisations. We put forth a development agenda.
Both Vellappally Natesan (SNDP Yogam general secretary) and Sukumaran Nair (NSS president) took a stand in favour of the Left. It seems the masses rejected the same. Does it mean their relevance has gone down?
They both continue in their respective positions because of the support they enjoy within their communities.
Is the presence of the two strong community organisations an obstacle to BJP’s growth in Kerala?
Not at all. Community organisations do community work, BJP does political work.
You are still the president of the SNDP Yogam taluk union. Wasn’t BDJS a natural choice for you?
It isn’t mandatory for any SNDP Yogam worker to join BDJS. These are pure individual decisions. People from all political parties are part of SNDP. The workers have every right to follow their political affiliation.
When BDJS was formed, there was an impression that NDA would make major gains. But that didn’t work out…
BDJS has its political relevance. BJP does acknowledge the same.
You were a Congressman for a long time. Now you are in BJP. How do you compare the two?
One movement gives importance to national interests, the other is now being led by people from abroad. Bharat is witnessing a change. Embracing that change is the responsibility of each Indian citizen.
TNIE team: Cithara Paul, Anil S, K S Sreejith, Sovi Vidyadharan, Aswin Asok Kumar Albin Mathew(photos)