Assessments of the first three years in office of Prime Minister Narendra Modi, particularly with regards to issues of domestic policies, have been subjects of lively discussions across the country. But, in the meantime, there has been broad agreement that the PM has put his own personal stamp when it came to his conduct of foreign policy. Predictably, differences of views have arisen, largely over the conduct of relations with Pakistan, even as there has been a more robust response by India to Pakistan-sponsored cross-border terrorism. Modi, in his first three years in office, has confirmed that our country is viewed internationally today, by the strength and resilience of its economy, and by the domestic popularity of its leadership.
Modi receives high marks for the fact that India is now universally perceived among the fastest-growing economies in the world, with rising FDI, hitting a record $60-billion mark last year. The UP polls were seen as confirming Modi’s domestic popularity, eliciting compliments from even America’s mercurial President Donald Trump. It must be acknowledged that controversies have arisen in public perceptions abroad over reports of sectarian divisions in India, among other reasons, because of writings by our own people.
The major surprise in many parts of the world has been the remarkable dexterity shown by the government in dealing with the Islamic world. Modi had been the recipient of vicious propaganda even before he assumed office. He has, however, visited every important Islamic country across the Indian Ocean. He discarded our past hypocrisy of keeping our relations with Israel hidden, on considerations of ‘vote bank politics’, by scheduling a visit to the country, even as he kept the Palestinians engaged. We are seeing the emergence of a coherent strategy to establish our regional profile across the Indian Ocean, by Modi’s visits to key East African countries with immense potential for economic cooperation. A coherent policy of challenging the Chinese hegemony in our neighbourhood is also emerging by India’s refusal to back China’s controversial ‘Economic Corridors’—designed to encircle us, while using Pakistan as its prime instrument for containment.
Our relations with European powers—Germany, France, the UK and Spain—have been strengthened, and efforts are underway to see that Russia does not get overly influenced by China. New Delhi has noted that despite President Vladimir Putin’s visit to Beijing to inaugurate China’s grandiose plans of dominating land and sea routes across and around Asia, there are serious reservations in Russia about it. It is also vital to avoid complacency in our relationship with the US, given the unpredictable ways of President Trump.
While PM Modi’s Summit meetings have given new dynamism to the conduct of foreign policy, we should also carefully look at what remains to be done. While important agreements have been reached during Modi’s visits across our Indian Ocean neighbourhood, there is a feeling that India has not shown vigour in actual implementation of decisions agreed upon at the highest levels.
This has remained an endemic problem for decades, in the conduct of our foreign policy, especially on economic issues and projects. It needs to be addressed by constant monitoring and assigning responsibilities to individual ministers, for implementation of projects abroad. Moreover, the reduction in expenditure on defence, to a record low of 1.7 per cent of GDP, has been noted at a time when our armed forces need rapid modernisation in the face of threats from China and Pakistan. Important recommendations on streamlining and professionalising the archaic patterns of staffing and working in the Defence Ministry need to be implemented without further delay. All these issues need to be addressed urgently.
G Parthasarathy
Former diplomat
dadpartha@gmail.com