The new phenomenon gradually unfolding in Indian democracy is that of the underprivileged within dominant castes. This issue was undermined for long as there was no political language to articulate their interests. While on the one hand, we have the phenomenon of new elites emerging among the subaltern Dalit and OBC social groups, there is side by side the issue of the disadvantaged among the more dominant castes such as the Patidars in Gujarat, Vokkaligas and Lingayats in Karnataka, Kapus in Andhra, Jats in Haryana, and finally, the question of the poor among the Brahmins.
While Dalits and the OBCs are moving to the centre stage through a definitive impact in determining the contours of representation and political power, with a small section among the OBCs also having economic power, they remain socially backward and slighted. Those among the so-called forward castes, especially the Brahmins, have become politically less relevant, enjoy very little of economic power but continue to hold on to their social and cultural capital, in terms of education and ritual status. For instance, Brahmins have had all through disproportionate representation as public representatives, bureaucrats and in various white-collared professions. It is this disproportionate share along with their unchanging social attitudes of pursuing social discrimination in institutions and everyday social practices that marked them as elites who needed to be dislodged for other caste groups to find mobility. However, a sizeable section of these dominant groups, including the Brahmins, have either been economically poor or have become impoverished due to the changing social dynamics. How do we characterise these social groups and assess their impact on processes of democratisation?
Both the new elites among the Dalit and OBCs and the disadvantaged sections of the so-called forward castes are not elites in the traditional sense of the term, either sociologically or historically. They are best typified as mezzanine elites. It is imperative to understand the dynamics internal to these mezzanine elites. Most of the Brahmins have migrated from the rural hinterlands to towns and cities. They either lost lands or sold them in order to keep up with the changing economic pressures. The traditional occupation of priesthood has become economically unviable and socially unprivileged. Other professions such as Ayurvedic doctors have also become unfeasible. A large section of Brahmins (it is estimated up to 13%) in smaller towns have no property and means for proper higher education. They are finding it difficult to get government jobs and often, settle for small-time private jobs, and face financial difficulties that we often associate with the so-called lower castes. There are a number of cases of young men working as priests in local temples facing the difficulty of even finding a suitable bride as parents are not prepared for such matches owing to lower income levels and uncertain future. Further, young men of such families are ill-prepared to take up manual jobs as they find them demeaning.
The old hierarchies continue to plague them, and they are also victims of ‘reverse stigma’ where doing an odd job is seen as a loss of earlier social status. They often face public ridicule, opening the wedge between poor economic condition and continued self-claims of higher social status. Many of these families continue to practice the discriminatory caste-practices but now more in the private domain rather than in public.
For instance, they continue to be essentially vegetarians and believe in its superiority over non-vegetarian diet. This, they believe, can continue as a cultural practice rather than a discriminatory practice because all other castes too have their own caste-based practices. The moot question is whether practices that symbolised discrimination in the past can acquire the character of a cultural practice? Can they be practised in the private domain without being scrutinised by public standards?
There is a late realisation among a few that what Brahmins are facing today is a ‘punishment’ for their past deeds. They are socially ‘injured’ and cannot imagine replicating the discrimination they stridently pursued in the past. They realise that other castes need a share of opportunities and dignity that was denied to them for centuries. Further, they also seem to see the point that it is also not practically possible to discriminate castes that have gained political power and economic advantage over a period of time.
There is also a loss of respect for ritual status and religious practices in the public domain. Fast-paced development has pushed religion to the backwaters of everyday social life. Other castes seem to be distinctly more united and organised in comparison to the Brahmins who are weak in terms of their capacity to socially and politically mobilise themselves.
Many of these poor Brahmins now see good education as their only source of a good life. They feel some kind of financial help and government schemes need to be launched in order to pull them out of their vulnerable economic position. Many, in fact, feel poor Brahmins today need reservations and scholarships in order to qualify and pursue higher education. Government of Andhra Pradesh has announced a new scheme called ‘Vidya Bharathi’ in order to help Brahmins from poor families. Other parties such as the YSR (Congress) have promised fee reimbursement. Even Mayawati was toying with 5% reservation for Brahmins from poorer backgrounds. New social and Non-governmental organisations such as the Brahmin Parishad and Dhanwantri have been started in order to pursue welfare activities.
When we are witnessing unabated attacks against the Dalits and return of Brahminical symbols such as sanctity of the cow as a religious symbol, and they are being aggressively pursued symbolising a counter-revolution, how do we negotiate with the vulnerabilities of the underprivileged sections of the dominant groups? It also needs to be debated as to how this phenomenon is different from the newly-emerging elites among the subaltern caste groups? This ongoing fragmentation of social processes while at one level signifies social change and emergent social equality, it nevertheless raises at another level a set of questions about notions of equality itself.
Ajay Gudavarthy Asst Professor, Centre for Political Studies, JNU
Email: gajay99@rediffmail.com