Despite the intervention of Delhi High Court and its clear direction that the salary bills of 12 Delhi University colleges funded by Delhi Government be immediately cleared, there seems to be no relief forthcoming for the starving teachers and the staff of these colleges. Delhi’s Education Minister Manish Sisodia has now come out with an ‘audit report’ prepared by a functionary of his party, which claims that these colleges are paying salary to ghost employees.
This is a startling move to cock a snook at the high court. It’s not far to seek what’s the politics behind the minister’s move to even risk the wrath of the high court. At the bottom of the problem is the financial model of subsidy which has been followed by the Delhi government, which has left it hard pressed to release funds for salaries, not just for these colleges but various other arms of the government. The politics of subsidy comes at a very high price.
According to a rough estimate, the Delhi government pays the private power distribution companies anything upward of Rs 2,000 crore annually to subsidise the power bills of the domestic consumers in the national capital to keep its election promise. Just before the Delhi elections in 2019, Chief Minister Arvind Kejriwal had announced free power to all households which were consuming 200 units and 50 per cent subsidy for those consuming 201-400 units of electricity per month.
The subsidy announced by the Delhi government came into effect starting August 1. Post-election, almost the same subsidy benefit has been extended by the government, where for 201-400 units will attract a fixed subsidy of Rs 800 per month against a 50 per cent subsidy earlier. 100 per cent subsidy to victims of 1984 riots for up to 400 units and subsidy to lawyer’s chambers within court premises have also been extended. This is not the only subsidy bill which the Delhi Government is paying.
It’s subsidising water supply and free travel for women in Delhi Transport Corporation (DTC) buses, leading to a huge revenue loss for the government. In contrast, the complete annual salary and maintenance bills of these 12 colleges will not be in the excess of Rs 325 crore. This reflects the misplaced priorities of the government and also its inability to tide over the financial crisis. What’s the way out? The current funding structure of these colleges is founded on an MoU between Delhi University and the Delhi Government. Under Statute 30 of University of Delhi, the Delhi Government accountable to the Executive Council of Delhi University and is duty-bound to for the ‘maintenance of the standards of university education. Thus, the Delhi Government cannot prescribe for a salary and maintenance grants model, which is different from those followed in the university-maintained colleges.
The events of the past few months show that the Delhi government has proved incapable of honouring the contents of the agreement and showed its inability in ample terms towards ‘maintenance of university education. It has also not shown the inclination to honour the directions of the high court. In such a situation, the Executive Council of Delhi University would be well within its right to revisit the MoU and undertake the responsibility of funding these colleges.
This would not entail any administrative changes, as there are 18 other colleges which are under the ‘supervision’ of Delhi Government nominated governing body members but there is no crisis in these colleges as the extent of funding by Delhi Government is only five per cent with remaining 95 per cent coming from the University Grants Commission (UGC). If the Centre were to take over the funding of the remaining 12 colleges, Rs 325 crore annually is a small price to pay to save the nation’s most prestigious university. A visionary like Union Education Minister Ramesh Pokhriyal Nishank could cut the red-tape, fund these colleges and do a yeoman service to the cause of quality education.
SIDHARTH MISHRA
Author and president, Centre for Reforms, Development & Justice