
Where do you stay? In Delhi? I see. And where are you from? More often than not, a ‘Delhi resident’ would have a different answer for the two questions. And yet, after inhabiting the city for years on end and irrespective of their standing, a citizen would doubt their belongingness to the Capital – a city of migrants, and first-generation migrants, and second generation migrants.
And more keep pouring in through railway stations, and bus depots, their life’s possessions in a bundle on their back to become one with this nameless multitude crammed into the 1,483 sq km that is Delhi. Scampering through the alleys in Majnu-ka-tilla, on the banks of the Yamuna. in Jungpura slums, South Delhi ‘ghettos’, and across the industrial wastelands of Narela-Burari, they keep searching for a place to stay.
And as the city goes to polls, with political parties battling it out over whom the city belongs to, one must ask, ‘Who belongs to Delhi?’ And, what does Delhi owe to them?
In the resettlement colonies, in narrow lanes lined with makeshift homes, a population determines its affiliation to the city.
A group of Pakistani Hindu refugees residing in Majnu-ka-tilla prepare to cast their first votes in the city they now call home. Having fled persecution in Pakistan, they are excited to participate in the ‘Indian democracy’, a right they have long yearned for. For many of them, who had settled in Delhi around 2013, it is a symbolic assertion of their identity as Indian citizens.
“We have been living here for over a decade and want the government to build permanent homes for us. This area is familiar. We have built our lives here. Moving elsewhere would mean starting from scratch,” a Hindu refugee says.
Meanwhile, at the margins of the city, uncertainty runs riot in Kalindi Kunj slums as those inhabiting the shanty colonies are labeled ‘illegal’; Bangladeshi, Rohingya, outsider. Without too many documents supporting their claims, these people are in a lurch as the city moves towards polling day.
Then there are the migrant hoards who toil the streets to scrape a living for themselves; a population of have-nots. We pretend to unsee them; but only until our worlds collide. Then we are suddenly bothered by the adverse effects of Chhath Puja on the Yamuna ecosystem.
Purvanchal polls
By a rough estimate, nearly 25% of the Delhi electorate is comprised by ‘purvanchalis’, an umbrella community of those hailing from eastern UP, Bihar and Jharkhand. Around 40 lakh such people are going to play a major role to elect the next government in the national capital. As far as dominance is concerned, they are in position to influence results on at least 25-27 assembly constituencies in the city. They are a majority in nearly 12 assembly seats, which is why all the major political dispensations have given tickets to purvanchali candidates on several seats.
Considering their sentiments and felicitations, the Delhi government has declared Chhath Puja as a holiday. Political parties have announced best intentions for these groups, assuring proper arrangements for their religious beliefs by constructing dedicated ghats on the Yamuna, besides artificial water ponds in ‘unauthorised’ colonies.
Majority of them inhabit unauthorised colonies, JJ clusters and slums, crawling in these urban ghettos for over 20-25 years. For this chunk sewerage, road transport, drinking water, drainage, water logging, sanitation, etc are the major issues. Since majority of them live in unauthorised and resettlement colonies, they face difficulties in availing civic services. Damaged roads, dumped garbage, stagnation of dirty water, lack of public convenience, poor supply of drinking water, sewer overflow are daily woes.
Naveen Shrivastava, a permanent resident of Ghonda assembly, claims there are lots of issues which their area representatives have failed to address. “Traffic jams due to unauthorised encroachment, illegal parking, pollution, lack of drainage, etc are major problems. At the time of elections, candidates make a series of promises, but disappear once the results are declared,” he said.
Amit Kumar, a resident of Burari, rues that he pays tax, only to get damaged roads and poor infrastructure in return. “For more than 20 years, I have contributed to the Delhi economy. But in return, I am getting nothing from the government. A visit to this area would reveal a sordid state of affairs, showing just how the politicians have ignored the major issues,” he says.
However, there is no dearth of drama in wooing this population to cast a ballot for the respective parties. A week ago, when AAP supremo Arvind Kejriwal claimed the BJP was ‘smuggling in’ people from Uttar Pradesh and Bihar to ‘manufacture’ fake votes, it sparked significant controversy. The remark drew flak from the BJP and Congress leaders who held protests to gain some political mileage out of the issue.
In damage control, Kejriwal was seen recounting the work done by the AAP dispensation to improve the conditions of unauthorised colonies, home to many of this community. The AAP supremo also questioned what the BJP had done to alleviate the miseries of migrants.
In another controversy, BJP spokesperson Shehzad Poonawala’s comment on AAP Burari MLA Sanjeev Jha’s name, did not go down well with purvanchalis. BJP MP Manoj Tiwari openly appealed to Poonawala to tender an unconditional apology, which finally came amid mounting pressure from purvanchalis.
The electoral significance of this migrant population can be gauged in Prime Minister Modi’s claims regarding the community. In his back to back rallies in the national capital, the PM highlighted issues related to them saying that while the Centre was committed to give ownership rights to residents of unauthorised colonies, the AAP government had failed to provide even basic services like roads and water in these areas.
Voices from the Valley
As the Assembly polls approach, diverse communities in the Capital are vocalising their sentiments and concerns, with issues ranging from civic infrastructure to cultural neglect, that would shape their voting preferences. Kashmiri migrants highlight grievances they feel the next government must address.
Sunil Chrungo, president of the Kashmir Samiti in Delhi, a government recognised nodal agency established to coordinate the welfare of Kashmiri migrants settled in the city, pointed out the challenges faced by over 50,000 members of the community residing in areas like Mayur Vihar, Dilshad Garden, Najafgarh, and Uttam Nagar.
Chrungo criticised the lack of coordination between the Delhi government and the Centre, calling it a serious impediment in the development of the community. This might just sway the Kashmiri migrants to vote for “parivartan” (change).
A key issue is the halting of the monthly ad-hoc relief to Kashmiri migrant families, which was increased from Rs 10,000 to Rs 27,000 in 2023 after L-G VK Saxena’s approval. Chrungo expressed frustration over the eight-month delay in payments and the lack of communication from officials. “If this is how the current government wants to treat us while making excuses about the Centre’s non-cooperation, it is a big election issue for us,” he said.
Civic facilities also rank high among their demands. Chrungo highlighted complaints from community members about rampant encroachment on roads and footpaths, which has worsened over time, affecting their businesses.
Puja, pandal & politics
Swapan Chakravorty, General Secretary of the Matri Mandir Samiti in Safdarjung Enclave, expressed the Bengali community’s dissatisfaction with the ruling government, citing a lack of respect for their cultural heritage. Chakravorty criticised the cumbersome process of obtaining permissions for organising Durga Puja, a key festival for Bengalis.
“We receive permission only two or three days before the event, even though pandal preparations start a month in advance. The process of getting clearances from multiple departments like fire safety, MCD, local administration, and the Delhi Police is taxing,” he said, urging the government to introduce a single-window system for such approvals.
He also called for financial support for temples, including free electricity and water supplies, and the elimination of house taxes for religious establishments.
Madras migrants
At the Madrasi camp slum cluster, around 500 households squatting near the Old Barapullah Bridge, residents demand permanent housing, jobs, and sanitation in the area.
Santosh, a migrant from Tamil Nadu’s Attur district, has spent three decades in the colony, running a small grocery shop. Reflecting on the promises made by various political parties , she says, “I have lived here my entire life. We have been told in the party manifestos that talks are on to provide permanent housing solutions for slum clusters such as ours; but it still feels like a distant dream. Also, no one comes for cleaning here. The garbage piles can be seen everywhere.”
Her sentiments echo a broader consensus within the camp. Residents, primarily migrants from Tamil Nadu, have made it clear that their support will go to the party offering to make their lives better; not just permanent housing, but better sites to relocate to.
The slum’s predominantly Tamil-origin population first caught public attention in September when the Public Works Department issued eviction notices, citing encroachments on Barapullah Nallah bridge land. However, the Delhi High Court intervened, halting the demolition and directing the city urban bodies to ensure rehabilitation of eligible residents. The court emphasised that relocation costs should be borne by the civic agencies tasked with verification of these slum dwellers.
Aishwarya, from Vathirairuppu district in Tamil Nadu, who works as a maid to earn her daily bread, says the relocation will disrupt their lives. “From elders to children, lives will be disrupted. We need a better place near our camp, if we are relocated. We also need proper health infrastructure and jobs for our youth living in the camp,” she says.
Punjabi Powerplay
Migrant voters from Punjab weigh in on AAP’s achievements and shortcomings in Delhi. Punjabis have remained one of the most significant communities in the capital since Independence and their vote can sway the results in several constituencies, especially in West Delhi.
Usha Kaushal, a 75-year-old resident of Dwarka and a native Punjabi believes that much has improved in the capital over the years. “Back in the day people used to run behind water tankers and were forced to withstand long power cuts. But since the AAP government came to power, at least the issue of water and electricity has been solved,” she said.
However, cleanliness remains a concern. “Much of the city is littered with garbage with the civic authorities completely failing to addresses this. Something needs to be done urgently in this regard,” she added.
Kaushal believes, although the freebies provided by the government certainly help the poor, they may have gone too far. “So many people who do not need support from the government are also availing these benefits. How will the government pay for all this?”
Odisha’s Opinion
Sanjib Kumar Mohanty, a Supreme Court advocate who has lived in Delhi for over 30 years, believes the Odia community in Delhi tilts heavily towards the BJP. “There are nearly 20 lakh Odias living in Delhi-NCR and I’m quite certain that 90% of them lean towards the BJP,” he said. According to Mohanty, the saffron party’s support for Odia culture is the major reason behind this.
“The Odia community here is very culturally oriented, reflected by around 32 Jagannath Temples in the capital. The Odisha Parba, started in 2017 by Union Minister Dharmendra Pradhan, has helped in boosting this. There is also a significant number of prominent Odia leaders in the BJP.
Mohanty believes that freebies will have very little impact on the community. “Odias here are mostly well-off and are professionals. There is very little scope to attract them with freebies,” he said.