Lal Bahadur Shastri is a man of many enigmas. An inquisitive student of Indian politics often finds in him a trouble-shooter who took charge of the nation at a difficult stage and delivered his best to let the country grow. Yet, history books have not been kind to him. Despite an illustrious more than four-decade-long journey in Indian politics and administration combined, not much work has been done to celebrate his legacy.
Perhaps this is what motivated author, historian, former IAS officer, and the former director of Lal Bahadur Shastri National Academy of Administration (LBSNAA) Sanjeev Chopra to take up the formidable task of writing his book The Great Conciliator: Lal Bahadur Shastri and the Transformation of India (Bloomsbury), that explicitly covers the socio-political affairs that helped Shastri grow as a politician and an administrator. From his early days in Mughalsarai (now Pandit Deen Dayal Upadhyaya Nagar) to narrating the events that triggered India’s second Prime Minister to form the Border Security Force (BSF), and give the stirring slogan of Jai Jawan Jai Kisan , the book becomes one of its kind to discuss Shastri and his salient achievements.
An excerpt from the conversation with the author
In your book, you have referenced DR Mankekar’s Lal Bahadur Shastri and CP Srivastava’s Lal Bahadur Shastri: A Life of Truth in Politics. What new value does your book bring to the pre-existing political discourse? How is it different from the existing ones?
A major difference lies in capturing the time and space that surrounded Shastri’s life. Through intensive research, I showcased what Mughalsarai was and what a middle class Kayastha household – of teachers and postmasters and municipal clerks - would have looked like. All of these factors played a significant role in shaping Shastri’s personality.
Secondly, I had access to publications that followed Mankekar and Srivastava’s works—Dharti Ka Lal and The Saga of Lal Bahadur Shastri—which document memoirs related to him and reflect on those who worked closely with him. I also gained access to the works of Shiv Prasad Gupta, the founder of Kashi Vidyapith, an institution that was significant in Shastri’s life.
In the first few chapters, you have highlighted how Shastri was fortunate to be surrounded by diverse schools of thought and practices. Do you think this shaped him into a highly cosmopolitan leader, enabling him to work seamlessly with people from different political ideologies?
Shastri was a very grounded person who enjoyed his conventional clothing and diet. Cosmopolitan is a term more fitting for leaders like Jawaharlal Nehru or Indira Gandhi, who enjoyed vibrant and unconventional ideas and conversations.
Shastri never preferred to go out of his way, like going to a club and enjoying conversations with people from different sectors. He was rooted to the soil of this country. However, at the same time, he was a modern person who took the oath in his marriage by breaking away from the pattern of being guided by a priest or family members.
You have described Shastri as a conciliator and a great listener. What made him such an exceptional listener, and how did this quality influence his political and administrative decisions?
As a politician and administrator, the ability to listen is crucial, and Shastri did that when the southern states strongly opposed the proposal of removing the language grace period by launching protests. Shastri listened to them. He paid attention to what the people had to say. Things could have been different had Morarji Desai or Nehru been in his place. Desai would have gone to impose Hindi, and Nehru would not have gone deeper into the problems.
Our history books have not been kind to Shastri, and he remains an often-overlooked figure in Indian politics. What is the reason behind this?
Shastri was never an assertive leader. Despite being in politics for nearly five decades, he never imposed his ideas or thoughts on others. Instead, he preferred to listen, consider different perspectives, and step beyond his comfort zone. Perhaps that is why he didn’t receive as much recognition in history books
In India, there has always been a tussle between a good politician and a good administrator. What is Shastri’s position in this?
I don’t see any contradiction or tussle here. A politician who isn’t a good administrator cannot last long in politics. So, I don’t find much room for debate on this. As for Shastri, he was both—an astute politician and an efficient administrator, which is why he remained successful for so long.
Two major contributions are associated with Lal Bahadur Shastri’s name—the formation of the Border Security Force (BSF) and the slogan "Jai Jawan, Jai Kisan." Could you shed light on both?
The BSF was the result of the Rann of Kutch incident. It would have been created sooner or later; however, the Rann of Kutch incident triggered the need for a centralised border protection system. Till that point, the state police were protecting the borders, and multiple problems emerged in maintaining a smooth network for tracing the enemy. When the BSF was proposed, the states were unhappy to give up their powers; however, Shastri managed to convince them.
‘Jai Jawan, Jai Kisan’ resulted from the slow growth rate of India. In the ‘50s and ‘60s, the country was going through major crises. Per capita GDP was not growing, and with a rising population, unemployment became a major issue, and food shortages were common. At the same time, the army was facing numerous challenges on the borders. So, for the betterment of the entire society, it was necessary to stand by them, as for Shastri, they were the central pillars.
Lastly, do you think we need more Shastri-like politicians in the country at present?
Yes, certainly.