On July 24, 2020, Istanbul’s Hagia Sophia glowed under floodlights, its minarets soaring towards the night sky. Turkey’s powerful and radical Islamist President Recep Tayyip Erdogan, his voice resolute, declared to the thousands assembled to see the transformation of history; a church built by the Byzantine Emperor Justinian I in the 6th century, which later became a mosque after the Ottoman conquest in 1453, designated a museum in 1934 by Kemal Attaturk’s secular government and now become a mosque, once again.
Erdogan’s rhetoric channelled the Islamist soul: “The resurrection of Hagia Sophia is the sound of Muslims’ footsteps”. For Muslims from Ankara to Islamabad, he was showing them a road to lost imperial heritage; for critics, it was a lurch toward radicalism. At 71, Erdogan, Turkey’s leader for over two decades is a global force, championing Pakistan, defying NATO, and forging a military powerhouse. His quest is to restore Ottoman glory and unify a fractured global Islamic identity. For India, this ambition, amplified by Turkey’s ties with China, threatens maritime routes and regional influence. Erdogan’s aggressive actions have a profound impact on India, seen specifically during Operation Sindoor with Pakistan using Turkish missiles and drones. “Turkey has been supporting Pakistan for a long time,” says Harsh V Pant, Vice President, Studies and Foreign Policy at Observer Research Foundation, New Delhi, and Professor of International Relations with King’s India Institute at King’s College London. “Pervez Musharraf even trained in Turkey,” he adds. During the recent conflict, Turkey, with assistance from China, was one of the state-backed hackers and hacktivists among Pakistan, Bangladesh, Malaysia, and Indonesia, who attacked India in cyberspace.
Turkey VS India: A Historical Rift
After the Pahalgam terror attack in Kashmir, the world pointed the finger firmly at Pakistan. Erdogan’s response was pro terror: at a meeting with Pak PM Shehbaz Sharif, he assured, “Turkey stands with Pakistan in its just struggle”. When the Turkish warship TCG Buyukada docked in Karachi as a “courtesy call”, it was carrying anti-ship missiles, torpedoes and air defence systems. Pakistani journalist Ahmed Quraishi tweeted that “amidst tensions with India, this likely isn’t just a courtesy call…With tensions rising and Indian talk of a Karachi blockade, Turkey’s visit signals strategic solidarity with Pakistan”. The India-Pakistan clash marks Turkey’s formal emergence as India’s foe, a battle between two visions of sovereignty. “India and Turkey shared mutual respect in the 1950s,” noted historian Srinath Raghavan, citing UN cooperation. But Turkey’s alignment with Pakistan via the Central Treaty Organization (CENTO) and support during the 1971 IndoPak war had sowed discord. Erdogan’s UN speech slammed the revocation of special status for Kashmir “a violation of UN resolutions”. India’s Foreign Minister S Jaishankar hit back, “Turkey should respect India’s sovereignty.” Its recent drone supplies to Pakistan have widened the rift. Public hostility towards Turkey has already begun. Shiv Sena leader Murji Patel has called for a boycott of Turkish goods. Turkey was invited to India’s briefing to 70 nations on ‘new normal’ in Pakistan ties, but when it said it would send a junior officer, India refused. India has been countering Erdogan’s rhetoric and connivance with the Pak generals by strengthening ties with Greece, Cyprus and Armenia. “India’s support for Armenia in Nagorno-Karabakh is a direct challenge,” analyst Sinan Bayraktar said in an interview in Hurriyet, Turkey’s largest mass circulation newspaper; Armenia has been fighting Azerbaijan which has Erdogan’s backing.
The Voice of the Ummah or Radical Firebrand?
Erdogan’s Kashmir and Gaza stances reflect an existential will, asserting Islamic identity against Western dominance. In October 2023, the Turkish leader defended Hamas: “Hamas is not a terrorist organisation, it is a group of mujahideen fighting for their land,” he told a massive crowd at a rally in capital Ankara. A 2016 German report, cited by Deutsche Welle, called Turkey “a central platform of action for Islamist groups.” CNN quoted US Senator Lindsey Graham in 2019, “Turkey’s behaviour is increasingly assertive and Islamist”. Erdogan denies he is a radical Islamist. “We are fighting terrorism, not supporting it,” he said in 2022, citing 9,000 ISIS fighter deportations, as per an Anadolu Agency report. His Organisation of Islamic Cooperation (OIC) leadership inspires other nations of his faith. “Erdogan is the only leader standing up for Palestinians,” Malaysian PM Anwar Ibrahim told Al Jazeera. But critics only see peril. “His rhetoric empowers extremists,” was the response of Turkish opposition leader Canan Kaftancioglu while speaking to The Guardian. Erdogan’s vision, like Nietzsche’s Übermensch trope, seeks to transcend a postcolonial void through Islamic resurgence; however, this risks fuelling radicalism in a world weary of death. Erdogan’s actions—like leading OIC summits or condemning France’s burqa ban—resonate across Muslim-majority nations. But his critics, including secular Turks, warn of a dangerous future. “He’s not Al-Qaeda, but he’s playing with fire,” said Ayse, a 45-year-old Istanbul professor, who fled after the 2016 coup purges. “Supporting Hamas isn’t just ideology—it’s a power grab.” While Turkey’s support for Pakistan is framed as ideological and strategic, it’s worth noting that Turkey cannot engage in direct military confrontation with India due to logistical challenges and its NATO membership, which limits its ability to engage in non-NATO conflicts. Hence the proxy wars. Its actions may be partly driven by domestic politics, as Erdogan leverages anti-India rhetoric to bolster his image among conservative voters. However, Turkey’s actions risks global isolation, since most nations, including Muslim-majority countries like Saudi Arabia and the UAE, have either remained neutral or tilted towards India.
Pakistan’s Steadfast Ally: An Age-old Bond
On February 14, 2020, Erdogan told Pakistan’s parliament during a visit “The issue of Kashmir is as close to us as it is to you.” Turkey’s military aid that includes MILGEM corvettes, strengthens Pakistan. “Pakistan was our voice in the Muslim world,” wrote historian Ilber Ortayli. Turkey supported Pakistan in its 1965 and 1971 wars against India. “Erdogan’s support is strategic and ideological,” analyst Ayesha Siddiqa told Pakistan’s Dawn newspaper. “Turkey’s drones give Pakistan a tactical edge,” then Indian Army Chief Manoj Mukund Naravane warned, noting an uptick in LoC violations: 5,000 in 2024, per India’s Ministry of Defence. The $1.5 billion Pak-Turkey drone deal, says a 2023 Dawn report, enhances Pakistan’s military capabilities. Escalation in skirmishes reportedly forced a rise of $45 billion in India’s defence budget: a seven per cent jump by moving funds sway from infrastructure. “This diverts resources from India’s development goals,” economist Bibek Debroy had noted in 2024. C Raja Mohan, Director of the Institute of South Asian Studies, National University of Singapore, noted last year. “Turkey’s actions complicate regional stability,” The Pakistan-Turkey nexus is a shared quest for meaning, uniting two nations against perceived hegemony, yet igniting a cycle of violence. Turkey’s clout in the OIC is aimed at marginalising Indian influence “Turkey’s support emboldens Pakistan’s aggression,” said defence analyst Rahul Bedi.
NATO’s Thorn: Erdogan’s Contradictory Stance
In July 2019, Russian S-400 systems arrived in Ankara. “Turkey cannot be in the F-35 programme with Russian systems,” Lindsey Graham announced. The US expelled Turkey from the programme. “We make our own decisions,” Erdogan retorted in a Bloomberg interview. His Syria operations against US-backed military unit YPG sparked fury in Washington. “Turkey’s actions risk our security,” said Mark Esper, then US Secretary of Defense. Turkey played canny ideological geopiltics: he pleased the West by sending drones to Ukraine fighting Russia. “Turkey’s strategic role is undeniable,” said Victoria Nuland, Under Secretary of State for Political Affairs from 2021 to 2024.
Turkey’s Military Rise and Geopolitical Strategy
In 2020, a Turkish Bayraktar TB2 drone struck a Syrian Nem convoy changing the military equations in the Civil Warplagued country; the damage was unlike anything seem before. “Bayraktar changed modern warfare,” said Oleksii Reznikov former Ukraine Deputy Prime Minister in a 2022 Reuters interview. Turkey’s $20-billion defence budget (2024) fuels T129 helicopters and the KAAN jet. In Syria, Erdogan’s Blue Homeland doctrine of controlling a wide swath of the Mediterranean area is popular with the Turkish military. “Our navy will protect our rights,” Erdogan boasted. But there were dissenting voices that questioned its efficacy, “Turkey’s ambitions exceed its economy,” economist Dani Rodrik scoffed in 2024, citing its 70 per cent inflation. Agreed former Turkish diplomat Umit Pamir: “Turkey is a power, but it’s overextended.” Diplomatically, Turkey’s influence in the OIC isolates India, stalling its observer status bid. “Turkey’s role undermines India’s global outreach,” diplomat Shyam Saran said in a 2023 interview. In August 2024, Erdogan joined BRICS leaders. “Turkey seeks a multipolar world,” he declared. The president’s term ends in 2028, but there is no guarantee that he won’t get reelected, by hook or crook. “Turkey must choose—bridge or outlier,” said foreign minister Hakan Fidan.
China: A Pragmatic Partnership
In 2023, Chinese trains rolled through Ankara with equipment and engineers, as part of the $10-billion Belt and Road Initiative. “Our cooperation with China is strategic,” Erdogan told Xinhua. Trade hit $50 billion in 2024. But Uyghur tensions linger. “China’s treatment of Uyghurs is a crime,” said Turkish politician Mustafa Destici. Erdogan’s ridiculous claim that “Uyghurs are content,” drew national ire. This pragmatism reflects a philosophical compromise, sacrificing moral absolutism for power, as Machiavelli might endorse. “Uyghurs are all Turks, but that hasn’t prevented Erdogan from cosying up to China,” says Indrani Bagchi, CEO, Ananta Aspen Centre. Turkey became a member of the Shanghai Cooperation Organisation (SCO) and held naval drills in 2023 with the Chinese Navy. This ominous partnership threatens India’s sea routes. The BRI’s Maritime Silk Road, linking China to Europe via Turkish ports like Izmir and Mersin, bypasses Indian Ocean routes. “The Maritime Silk Road diverts $1.5 billion in shipping revenue from Indian ports annually,” economist Arvind Virmani said in a 2024 interview, citing losses in Mumbai, Kochi, and Chennai. Turkey’s $200-million investment in Pakistan’s Gwadar port, a China-Pakistan Economic Corridor (CPEC) hub weakens the advantageousness of India’s $500-million Chabahar port. This threatens to cut India’s regional trade by 10 per cent, per the Federation of Indian Export Organisations. “Gwadar’s rise undermines India’s maritime strategy,” maritime expert Gurpreet Khurana noted. More important, this strategic alliance encircles India. “China and Turkey’s naval cooperation empowers Pakistan’s maritime capabilities,” Pant wrote in a 2023 Observer Research Foundation report.
The Man Behind the Mission: Erdogan’s Drive and Ascent
Born on February 26, 1954, in Istanbul’s Kasimpasa, Erdogan grew up in a modest, religious family. His father, a coastguard officer, instilled discipline, while his mother emphasised piety. Attending an Imam Hatip school, Erdogan excelled in oratory and football, earning the nickname “Imam Beckenbauer.” His early political activism in the MSP’s youth wing shaped his Islamist worldview. “I sold simit (Turkish bread roll) on the streets to help my family,” he told CNN Turk in 2014. The pivotal point in his life came in 1997 when Erdogan was jailed for reciting a poem called The Mosques are Our Barracks. His biographer Soner Cagaptay said “prison made him a symbol.” Erdogan’s next step was co-founding the AKP: the Justice and Development Party which has been ruling Turkey since 2002. “We built a new Turkey,” he cheered. “Erdogan is Turkey’s destiny,” echoed Ismail Kahraman, a former minister. By 2013, the country’s GDP under Erdogan hit $800 billion; he pursues a neo-Ottoman vision. “He wants to restore Turkey’s glory,” said aide Egemen Bagis. In 2016, a section of the Turkish Army attempted a coup which was put down brutally. “This is a betrayal against the nation,” Erdogan declared on FaceTime. Purges in media, government and academic followed instantly, leading to the imprisonment of more than 50,000 citizens. The strongman’s rise reflects Foucault’s power-knowledge dynamic; wielding Islam to reshape Turkey’s identity by balancing modernity and tradition.
The Ottoman Man: Dreams of an Empire
Since rising to power in 2003, Erdogan has transformed Turkey’s political, cultural, and international landscape, prompting speculation that he dreams of resurrecting the Ottoman Empire and ruling it as a modern sultan. The Ottoman Empire (1300-1924), a multi-ethnic superpower that once spanned three continents, was defeated by British forces during World War I and collapsed, giving way to Mustafa Kemal Atatürk’s secular Turkish Republic. Indian Muslims had travelled to Turkey to fight in the moribund empire’s defence. Erdogan’s embrace of Islamic nationalism, consolidation of power, and assertive foreign policy have fuelled claims that he seeks to revive this imperial legacy, with himself wielding both political and religious authority. “Erdogan views himself to be the natural successor to Turkish invaders like Mahmud Ghazni and Muhammad Ghori who invaded India in the 11th and 12th centuries AD. Erdogan imagines he is a 21st-century Islamic conquistador cut in their mold,” says author and defence expert Iqbal Chand Malhotra. To this end, Erdogan has actively promoted Ottoman heritage to stoke national pride. He named Istanbul’s third Bosphorus bridge after Sultan Selim I, a conqueror who expanded the empire significantly. Cultural projects, such as restoring Ottoman-era mosques and building the Çamlıca Mosque in the style of Mimar Sinan—the fabled Ottoman architect, engineer and mathematician— evoke imperial grandeur. Erdogan funds television OTT series to foster nostalgia among his people for the Ottoman past. He ordered the national anthem to be played with Ottoman-style instruments. The mosque-ification of Turkey which began with Hagia Sophia, extended to turning a famous museum and the Byzantine Chora Church into mosques. These actions were widely seen as symbolic assertions of Ottoman and Islamic dominance. In 2017, after the failed coup, a constitutional referendum shifted Turkey from a parliamentary to a presidential system, granting Erdogan near-unchecked powers. Critics liken this centralisation to the absolute authority of Ottoman sultans. Erdogan purged tens of thousands from academia, the bureaucracy, the judiciary, and the military. Turkish thinker Abdul Rehman Dilliak, aligned with Erdogan’s regime, even suggested the presidential system could pave the way for a caliphate, with Erdogan as the caliph. The president’s foreign policy, often termed “neo-Ottoman,” seeks to expand Turkey’s influence in former Ottoman territories. Military interventions in Syria, Iraq, and Libya, alongside assertive stances in the Eastern Mediterranean, are framed as efforts to reclaim regional dominance. For example, Erdogan justified intervention in Libya as protecting “Libyans of Ottoman descent.” In 2015, former Foreign Minister Ahmet Davutoglu, a key architect of this policy, claimed Turkey would “re-found the Ottoman state,” though he later distanced himself from Erdogan. By positioning himself as a leader of the Sunni Muslim world, Erdogan has promoted Islamic nationalism, supporting the Muslim Brotherhood and using gestures like the four-finger salute associated with the group. Erdogan told TIME magazine, “We cannot deny our Ottoman past… it’s a very natural right for us to use what was beautiful about the Ottoman Empire today.” In 2018, he called modern Turkey a “continuation” of the empire. Public narrative claims that Erdogan aims to “re-establish the Ottoman Empire, destroy Israel, conquer Jerusalem, and lead the Muslim world.” Before his ascent as a religious revivalist, Turkey enjoyed a cordial relationship with Israel. India’s partnership with the Jewish nation on fronts like defence and agriculture has contributed to Ankara’s existing hostility towards New Delhi.
A Complex Future: India and Turkey Relations Need a Reset
The path forward to a cordial relationship with India lies in pragmatic geopolitics. IndiaTurkey trade amounts to about $10 billion. Initiatives like the Indo-Turkiye Friendship Association (2024) signal goodwill. But the relationship is caught in a cycle of tit-for-tat geopolitics. Turkey’s Pakistan tilt and India’s counter-alignments reflect calculated self-interest, not enmity. Both nations stand to gain from a reset. Turkey’s economic woes compared to India’s global rise make cooperation logical. Their shared interest in a multipolar world—evident in Turkey’s BRICS outreach—offers a foundation. But this requires sidelining symbolic flashpoints like Kashmir and focusing on trade, tech, and counterterrorism. India and Turkey are players in a complex global chess game. By prioritising mutual gains over regional rivalries, they can move from crossroads to collaboration. The alternative is a continued drift, where mistrust overshadows opportunity. Bagchi says, “After the 2024 conflict, the region could see the strengthening of an alignment with India, Israel, QUAD and the US on one side and China, Turkey, Pakistan, Qatar and sections of the Taliban on the other,”—a new power equation. Qatar, vehemently anti-Israel and a main funder of ISIS, Al-Qaeda, the Taliban, and other terror organisations, enjoys a smooth relationship with India: Narendra Modi has visited Qatar twice and shares a friendly personal equation with its emir, Sheikh Tamim Bin Hamad Al Thani. As president, Erdogan has centralised power, survived economic turmoil, and pursued a muscular foreign policy. At 71, his health, rumoured to have issues, and constitutional term limits, raise questions, but his grip on Turkey remains firm. In this bewildering quicksand of alliances and hostilities, Erdogan’s Turkey remains a paradox—NATO rebel, Islamic leader, military titan. His feud with India, rooted in history, has escalated discord. “Erdogan wants to be a historic figure,” historian Halil Inalcik observed, “but history judges harshly.” This quest for power and meaning, challenges a fragmented world, and smells of hubris. In Istanbul’s vibrant streets, the sultan’s will endures, and the world watches with trepidation.
No Turkish Delight
Turkey’s support for Pakistan against India is driven by a combination of historical, ideological, strategic, and geopolitical factors
Islamic Solidarity and Shared Ideology
Turkey and Pakistan share a strong bond rooted in their Muslim-majority identities and membership in the OIC. Erdogan, has increasingly emphasised political Islam, aligning with Pakistan’s narrative, particularly on issues like Kashmir. Turkey views it as a Muslim cause, which resonates with Islamabad’s portrayal of the issue. This ideological alignment is reinforced by Pakistan’s support for Turkey on issues like Northern Cyprus.
Historical Ties and Cold War Alliances
The Turkey-Pakistan relationship dates back to the Cold War, when both nations were part of Western-led alliances like the CENTO. These early alignments fostered military and diplomatic cooperation. Pakistan supported Turkey during crises, such as the Cyprus conflicts in 1964 and 1971, and Turkey reciprocated by backing Pakistan in its conflicts with India, including on Kashmir.
Strategic Defense Cooperation
Turkey has emerged as a significant arms supplier to Pakistan, providing drones (Bayraktar TB2, Akinci), naval assets (MILGEM-class corvettes), and collaborating on advanced missile systems and fighter jets like the KAAN. This defense partnership strengthens Pakistan’s military capabilities, particularly against India. Turkey’s arms exports to Pakistan, valued at $5.16 million in 2024, reflect a deepening strategic alliance
Geopolitical Ambitions and Anti-India Posture
Erdogan, seeks to expand Turk influence in the Islamic world and South Asia, positioning itself as a counterweight to powers like Saudi Arabia. Supporting Pakistan, especially on Kashmir, enhances Turkey’s regional clout and aligns with its broader ambitions to revive Ottoman-era prominence. This support often manifests in anti-India rhetoric, such as Erdogan’s criticism of India’s 2019 revocation of Article 370 or his calls for a UN dialogue on Kashmir.
Mutual Support on Regional Issues
Pakistan and Turkey mutually back each other’s territorial and political claims. While Pakistan supports Turkey’s position on Northern Cyprus, Turkey endorses Pakistan’s narrative on Kashmir, often condemning India’s actions as violations of sovereignty. This reciprocity strengthens their bilateral ties and aligns their foreign policies against India.
Response to India’s Counter-Alliances
India’s growing ties with Greece, Armenia, and Cyprus—countries in conflict with Turkey or its ally Azerbaijan—have strained India-Turkey relations. India’s support for Armenia in the Nagorno-Karabakh conflict and its backing of Greece and Cyprus counter Turkey’s regional interests, pushing Ankara closer to Pakistan.