What India can expect from Labour
Like the Conservatives he ousted, new British Prime Minister Keir Starmer is all too aware of the Hindu voters in the UK. Hence his visit last Friday to the Swaminarayan temple in London’s Kingsbury, where he declared, “There is absolutely no place for Hinduphobia in Britain... If we’re elected next week, we will strive to govern in the spirit of seva to serve you and a world in need… Strengthened by Hindu values, you’re not only contributing massively to our economy, you’re bringing innovation and expertise that keeps us competitive on the global market.”
On the other hand, the Conservatives’ defeat means New Delhi can no longer count on London’s silence or automatic support for policies undermining minority communities in India. Some Labour activists still take their cue from their party’s 2019 emergency motion that noted “a major humanitarian crisis taking place in Kashmir” and called for allowing international observers in the region.
In contrast to earlier visits, when the ruling Conservatives, fearful of upsetting the BJP, avoided any public contact with Rahul Gandhi, the new Labour government is likely to have fewer inhibitions about maintaining contact with Indians of all political persuasions.
During Rahul’s 2018 visit to the UK, he was given the cold shoulder. The Conservative Friends of India announced they would host an event for him in parliament, but then, just hours before he was due to speak, the event was cancelled without any explanation. Similar experiences were recorded for other Indian visitors such as former Congress cabinet minister Salman Khurshid and Pradyot Bikram Manikya, leader of the Tipraha Indigenous Progressive Regional Alliance. Events at which they were due to speak were boycotted by Conservative MPs.
Conservative sources say their boycott of Indian opposition leaders was organised by former Home Secretary Priti Patel, a devoted supporter of the Hindutva agenda. She had the support of former prime ministers Boris Johnson and Rishi Sunak.
Johnson’s understanding of India’s political ideologies may be limited—he was always more interested in the economic allure of India’s vast market—but Sunak was at home with the BJP’s Hindu nationalist agenda. One of Sunak’s relatives once explained to me that his paternal grandfather was an RSS activist and Sunak carries a Ganesh or Hanuman in his pocket.
As it balances views on human rights issues, Labour can take some comfort from the prospect of rebuilding historical political links that predate India’s independence. After all, it was Labour-supporting intellectuals like Harold Laski as well as political grandees like former Prime Minister Clement Attlee who championed India’s just demand for independence. Labour MPs like Reginald Sorensen highlighted abuses of colonial officials and the party embraced Congress activists like V K Krishna Menon, who went on to serve as independent India’s first high commissioner to the UK.
However, this would not preclude future differences, irrespective of which political party rules in London or New Delhi. Some of these differences could emerge as the British continue to align their policies with the US, their closest friend and ally. The significance of the US was summed up last week by shadow foreign secretary David Lammy, who wrote, “We should not fail to recognise that the US will remain the UK’s most essential ally, whoever occupies the White House.”
It is still the US that determines how the West, including the UK, responds to global concerns about the invasion of Ukraine, the emerging threat from China and the unending war between Israel and Palestine. India and the UK have broadly converging views about China, but there is no consensus about Ukraine.
On some key human rights issues, differences had started to emerge long before the UK election. Labour activists were appalled by how the Conservatives ignored allegations that New Delhi was linked to the targeting of some Sikh militants in North America. Ever mindful of political backing from the British Sikh community, this Labour government will now need to be more sensitive to the concerns of the local Sikhs. This issue is bound to come up in a few months’ time when British Sikhs mark the 40th anniversary of the anti-Sikh riots in which thousands were killed following the assassination of Indira Gandhi.
One final bilateral concern that Labour has so far avoided discussing is the return of India’s stolen treasures. Paintings, jewels and archaeological wonders worth billions of dollars were ripped out of India by British colonial officials and are currently stored in museums, stately homes and chor bazaars across the length and breadth of the UK. If Labour is sincere about upgrading ties with India, it could make a start by finding a way of returning the colonial loot.
Granting more visas and returning some of the treasures are likely to be discussed when the new British foreign secretary meets his Indian counterpart. Progress on these fronts could help secure the mutually beneficial and highly lucrative trade deal with India that eluded the Conservatives. Labour could make all the difference.
(Views are personal)
Shyam Bhatia
Former diplomatic editor, The Observer, and author of Goodbye Shahzadi: A Political Biography of Benazir Bhutto