The Election Commission’s 75 years can appropriately be classified as the commission before T N Seshan and after Seshan. It is rarely that one individual singlehandedly influences the stature and credibility of an institution of national importance the way Seshan was able to do in the Election Commission. Monday is the sixth anniversary of the passing of the widely admired Chief Election Commissioner. As someone privileged to have worked in the commission’s secretariat during that period, my attempt is to briefly recollect the experience of those historic six years.
V S Rama Devi, who was the acting CEC, was believed to be due for regular appointment to the office when news spread about the arrival of Seshan, who was then serving as a member of the Planning Commission. He assumed charge as the 10th CEC just before noon on December 12, 1990. Within about 10 minutes of assuming charge, he addressed the officials of the commission’s secretariat. He reminded everyone about the role of the EC and how the world stood amazed at the Indian elections, and unequivocally conveyed that the commission would not let the nation down.
The first address was like a storm, and everyone in the hall instantly knew that there was a hard taskmaster at the helm. Seshan continued the practice of addressing officials at regular intervals. He was a great orator with command over multiple languages and a voice that reflected authority.
The malpractice of booth capturing was at its peak in some northern states around the time Seshan took over. By the end of his tenure, the menace was fading. The deployment of central police forces for ensuring voters can vote without fear and strengthening of the then-docile election observer system were two factors that helped eradicate several malpractices at the field level.
It required the Supreme Court’s nudge for the central government to agree to Seshan’s demand for sparing sufficient senior civil service officers for observer duties and central forces for police duties. Under Seshan, the observers became more assertive, maybe a direct result of Seshan’s own no-nonsense approach. In his pre-election briefing to the observers, Seshan made it a point to inject confidence. Candidates began respecting and even fearing the institution of the observer.
An interesting anecdote highlights the effect. After a hectic round of electioneering in the morning, a candidate was taking post-lunch rest in a school at a small town. A correspondent for the Sunday Observer, a Sri Lankan newspaper, wanted to interview him. When the school’s gatekeeper informed him that someone from Sunday Observer had come to meet him, hearing the term ‘observer’, the candidate assumed it to be an election observer coming to question him about some violation of law. The panicked candidate is said to have run away through a back gate.
The Model Code of Conduct, which was seen as an innocuous document till then, suddenly turned a crucial tool. The behavioural guidelines began to make parties and candidates nervous. In 1992, a chief minister announced new development schemes at a rally for a bye-election where his son was a candidate. The next thing the CM learned was that the election itself had been cancelled.
In another case, the misuse of a governor’s official machinery on a visit to his home state where his son was contesting resulted in a censure order by the EC. The incident eventually led to the governor’s resignation. The commission was relentless in enforcing the model code, and more often than not, it was leaders of the ruling parties who were at the receiving end.
The elector’s identity card was initiated by Seshan. It was an important milestone after a prolonged battle with the central and state governments. Seshan also fought to protect the commission’s right to take disciplinary action against errant election officials, including IAS officers, taking the battle to the Supreme Court when the government was not inclined to comply.
The commission was turned into a three-member body with the appointment of two commissioners in October 1993. When someone mentioned that the government was clipping his wings, Seshan commented if they clipped his wings he would run like an ostrich.
Seshan transformed the work culture in the commission’s secretariat as well. Officials from the top downwards arrived on time and the premises presented a cleaner picture. Seshan didn’t like the sight of files piled on tables and chairs. He would make frequent rounds around Nirvachan Sadan. Anyone loitering in the corridors would dash to their seat or even into the nearest washroom. When he was back in his chamber, there was always a collective sigh of relief. It was indeed strange that while everyone in the office admired their boss, not many wanted to face him.
For the people of the country, Seshan was a hero on a mission to secure high standards in elections. Some believed that his success prompted other institutions in the country to be proactive as well. In B R Ambedkar’s words, the effectiveness of a constitution, however good, depends on the people working it. Under Seshan’s superintendence, direction, and control of elections, execution of the universal suffrage principle envisaged in the Constitution reached new heights, making countrymen proud of the commission and our elections. The naysayers were forced to tell themselves that ‘free and fair election’ was not another oxymoron.
K F Wilfred | Former Senior Principal Secretary, Election Commission of India
(Views are personal)