On 26th May 2015, China brought out its first white paper on its military strategy. While earlier defence related white papers brought out by China were focussed more on the set up of its Armed Forces and the broad outlines of defence policy this one, as the title suggests, is more dedicated to the nitty gritty of military strategy. It, therefore, merits close attention as it not only reveals Chinese thinking on its threat perceptions, but also the military’s role in addressing them, how precisely it is to be strengthened, and the doctrines which will govern its actions.
The white paper apart from a preface has a section each on the National Security Situation, Tasks of China’s Armed Forces, Active Defence, Development of China’s Armed Forces, Military Force Building Measures, Preparation for Military Struggle and Security Cooperation.
Though it is asserted in the preface that China will “unswervingly” follow the path of peaceful development and will “never seek hegemony or expansion”, a careful reading of the document makes it amply clear that China is not only determined to strengthen and modernise its armed forces vigorously but also use them for non traditional purposes such as the promotion of development interests and for “realizing the Chinese Dream of achieving the great rejuvenation of the Chinese nation.”
The section on the national security situation is ill crafted as it teems with contradictions. Thus while on the one hand asserting that the international situation is likely to remain peaceful, on the other hand it projects that the world faces immediate and potential threats of local wars. Similarly, while arguing that China is comfortably placed internally and externally it then points out that China faces “multiple and complex security threats, as well as increasing external impediments and challenges.”
In terms of external challenges it inter alia refers to the US “rebalancing”, Japan’s change in its military and security policies, “provocative” actions by some of its offshore neighbours in regards to its reefs and islands, and “smoldering” land territory disputes. Of the internal security issues it expresses concern about “Taiwan independence” separatist forces, and separatist forces working for “East Turkistan independence” and “Tibet independence” , as well as those seeking a “colour revolution.”
In detailing the tasks of the Chinese military the paper indicates that the Chinese dream of achieving the great rejuvenation of the nation is essentially about making it strong and making the military strong is a part of this dream as without a strong military “ a country can be neither safe nor strong.” Taking a holistic view of security the paper envisages an almost all encompassing role for the military in national life and one that calls for “ more emphasis on the employment of military forces and means.” In this context, it indicates that the military will inter alia “constantly innovate strategic guidance and operational thoughts so as to ensure the capabilities of fighting and winning”, pay close attention to the challenges in new security domains in view of the revolution in military affairs, and actively participate in the country’s economic and social construction, and firmly maintain social stability.
The paper devotes an entire section to the concept of active defence developed way back in 1949 and modified over the years. It in essence envisages “adherence to the unity of strategic defence and operational and tactical offense” which in effect means that “We will not attack unless we are attacked, but we will surely counterattack if attacked.” As modified active defence envisages winning local wars in conditions of modern technology and in particular under conditions of informatisation. Moreover, in response to security threats from different directions and in line with their current capabilities, the Chinese military will adhere to the principles of flexibility, mobility and self-dependence. Integrated combat forces will be employed to prevail in system-vs-system operations featuring information dominance, precision strikes and joint operations.
In the section on the Development of China’s Armed Forces it is clear that apart from a defensive capability an offensive role will also be provided for. Thus for the Army the paper talks of a multi dimensional defensive and offensive capability entailing precise, multi-dimensional, trans-theater, multi-functional and sustainable operations.
Similarly, the Navy would be required to shift its focus from “offshore waters defence” to the combination of “offshore waters defence” with “open seas protection,” and build a combined, multi-functional and efficient marine combat force structure. Indeed the paper goes on to argue that China must develop a “modern maritime military force structure commensurate with its national security and development interests, safeguard its national sovereignty and maritime rights and interests, protect the security of strategic SLOCs and overseas interests, and participate in international maritime cooperation, so as to provide strategic support for building itself into a maritime power.”
In the same vein it suggests that the Air Force will shift its focus from territorial air defence to both defence and offense. It will also boost its capabilities for strategic early warning, air strike, air and missile defence, information countermeasures, airborne operations, strategic projection and comprehensive support.
It is also significant that the Second Artillery Force, which handles nuclear weapons, is to strengthen its capabilities “for strategic deterrence and nuclear counter attack, and medium and long range precision strikes”. Furthermore, its force structure will feature a combination of both nuclear and conventional capabilities. This is disquieting not only because it indicates that China is intent on upgrading its nuclear weaponry but also because the use by the Second Artillery Force of both nuclear and conventional weapons ups the risk of an accidental nuclear conflagration. The paper while reiterating China’s no first use policy makes it clear that nuclear weapons are “a strategic cornerstone for safeguarding national sovereignty and security.”
The paper places considerable importance on strengthening Civil-Military integration. It indicates that China “will work to establish uniform military and civilian standards for infrastructure, key technological areas and major industries, explore the ways and means for training military personnel in civilian educational institutions, developing weaponry and equipment by national defense industries, and outsourcing logistics support to civilian support systems.” It will also encourage joint building and utilization of military and civilian infrastructure, joint exploration, and shared use of resources. It will enhance reserves for the Forces.
An entire section is devoted to the Preparation for Military Struggle and as may be expected it emphasises the Armed Forces will do this in all its aspects and “make relentless efforts in practical preparations.”
The writer is a former deputy national security advisor, Government of India
Email: satchand18@gmail.com