At a time when a vocal section in the West is up in arms against India on the allegations of multiple human rights violations in the country, the farmers’ agitation being the latest, and friendship in the immediate neighbourhood is suspect in some cases, Tripura’s BJP Chief Minister Biplab Kumar Deb has added a new feather to his cap. He named Union Home Minister Amit Shah and said that the latter had plans to establish BJP governments in Nepal and Sri Lanka.
Deb is not new to controversies. Only last year, he stirred a controversy within the country on regional and linguistic lines by claiming that Punjabis and Haryanvis had the physical strength, but did not have the brains of Bengalis. On another occasion, he shocked the scientific community, nearer home and overseas, claiming that satellites were used in the Mahabharata war.
Interestingly, the Ministry of External Affairs (MEA), Amit Shah and his Home Ministry, and Deb himself have not denied or distanced themselves from the comments. In nations where India’s intentions still remain suspect despite Prime Minister Narendra Modi’s ‘Neighbourhood First’ policy and gracious vaccine diplomacy, critics of Indian hegemony are bound to raise their hackles. They have got one more missile to fire at India, at a time of their choice.
Thankfully, Sri Lanka’s Cabinet spokesperson, Udaya Gammanpilla, has since made light of Deb’s comment, arguing that they would react if Amit Shah were to say it himself. Obviously, the ruling Rajapaksas do not want more of India, or anti-India, on their hands after the controversial cancellation of the three-nation memorandum of cooperation (MoC), also involving Japan, for the Eastern Container Terminal (ECT) in Colombo Port. Colombo needs New Delhi in many ways, more so now at the UNHRC. Commencing now, the UN affiliate is to debate and vote on allegations of war crimes in Sri Lanka, and the way forward for the international community.
Sri Lanka’s Election Commission Chairman Nimal Punchihewa seems to have eased the situation even more. He has said that the nation’s Constitution and laws do not provide for the same. “Any Sri Lankan political party or group is permitted to have external links with any party or group overseas. But our electoral laws do not permit overseas political parties to work here,” the local media has quoted the EC chief as saying. This may have saved the day for now, but anti-India elements in the country are bound to rake up the issue as and when they so desire.
For instance, the left-leaning JVP, which is a moderate shade of its once militant self, still retains Indian hegemony as the third of the five ‘classes’ conducted for cadres by slain party founder Rohana Wijewera. In turn, this could pressure the Rajapaksas—or anyone in their place—to over-react equally, if not more. Leftists themselves, the Rajapaksas especially would come under greater pressure from what is now a peripheral group. The parallel to the situation in India, whether it concerns the political Right, Left or the Dravidian Tamil polity, cannot be missed.
One then cannot complain of the ruling class in Colombo—or, for that matter, Nepal, where again anti-Indianness is in the veins of many. As it is in every neighbouring country, where the very size of India that is Bharat is as much fear-inducing as it is awe-inspiring. Anti-minority, pro-Hindutva: Deb’s message, or unthinking mischief if it could be called so, helps anti-India groups—not just in the neighbourhood. Sure enough, someone in some Western government office(s) is going to file away Deb’s comments, for possible use in the future, if and when it comes to that—say, possibly at the UNHRC or other international fora of the kind.
In the ocean neighbourhood, for instance, the Sri Lankan Tamils and upcountry Tamils (estate Tamils)—a majority of them (alone) are Hindus—are bound to come under the scanner of the increasing ranks of Sinhala-Buddhist majoritarian groups. Already there are suspicions in these circles about the origin of certain pro-Hindu posters and posturing by some Tamil individuals and groups, of and on, especially over the past few years. On the issue of ethnicity and language, the Tamils in the island nation are already under tremendous pressure from their government and the Sinhala-Buddhist hardliners.
Of India’s seven immediate neighbours, four (Afghanistan, Bangladesh, Maldives and Pakistan) have a Muslim majority. Sri Lanka’s Constitution describes the nation as Buddhist. The Maldivian Constitution grants citizenship only to Sunni Muslims. Bhutan and Nepal, truth be acknowledged, have had their own sects, tribes and gods. The rise of Communists in Nepal over the past decades has belied claims
in India of the former being the only Hindu nation/ kingdom in the world.
The Hindutva brigade in this country can claim that if there are Muslim neighbours that are unapologetic about some of them being anti-Hindu, India too can pay back the compliment. That is easier said than done, especially when Prime Minister Modi keeps reiterating the Bharatiya dictum, vasudeva kutumbakam (in Sanskrit) and yaadum oore, yavarum kelir (Tamil), in international venue after international venue—and when the 21st century Indian dream is to become a superpower after winning over all neighbours as friends.
N Sathiya Moorthy (sathiyam54@ nsathiyamoorthy.com)
Distinguished Fellow & Head, Chennai Initiative, Observer Research Foundation