Save the Constitution, save the nation

The last eight years have seen a substantial retreat from the premise envisioned in our Constitution.
Representational Image. (File Photo)
Representational Image. (File Photo)

When we were fighting for our Independence, throwing away the British yoke and imagining a better future went hand-in-hand with our century-long freedom struggle. Work and ideas of social reformers, political leaders, philosophers, writers and revolutionaries were converging to shape the future republic. When we finally won our Independence from the British 75 years ago, we tried to give a coherent shape to the aspirations of the deprived and impoverished millions reduced to destitution under British misrule. The horrors of partition were fresh in our memory. Leaders and masses agreed about the heinous consequences of religion-based mobilisation, which blinded people to the common good.

Conscious of the need of the hour, our Constituent Assembly, under the leadership of Dr Bhimrao Ambedkar, tried to enshrine the values of our freedom movement and the desires of the masses in our Constitution. After almost three years of hard work, on November 26, 1949, we declared our resolve to “constitute India into the Sovereign Democratic Republic” through the Preamble of our Constitution. The values of our Constitution represent the blood and sweat of millions who fought and perished so that future generations could breathe in a free India.

The last eight years have seen a substantial retreat from the premise envisioned in our Constitution. Our Constitution drew the framework for a secular polity, with the State maintaining equidistance from all religious denominations. This was done to ensure fair treatment to all and protect minorities. The secular setup is being systematically dismantled today, with all-pervasive attempts being made to elevate one particular religion to the status of de facto religion of the State.

Senior members of the government holding constitutional offices, including the Prime Minister, are participating in religious ceremonies—for example, the inauguration of the Kashi Vishwanath corridor or the foundation stone-laying ceremony for the Shri Ram Temple in Ayodhya.

Worse, even state functions are being reoriented to give the semblance of religious ceremonies of the majority religion, as was seen recently when the PM unveiled the state emblem atop the new Parliament building or the foundation stone that was laid for the Central Vista. A section of the population is also celebrating these unconstitutional acts. However, they are sure to be outraged if the ceremony is to resemble the practices of the minority.

It should be understood that these attempts are not isolated. They are part of a well-thought design to establish a hierarchical Hindu Rashtra regime of the RSS subverting our secular democratic Constitution. These attempts are not new, but the vigour these are being pursued with now clearly indicates state patronage. The RSS never accepted our Constitution, the principle of equality, secularism or safeguards for minorities and deprived sections. They opposed the democratic framework and stood solidly with the British. There is nothing new in their contempt for the Constitution.

When the BJP first came to power under Atal Bihari Vajpayee, it wanted to constitute a commission to review the Constitution. Still, it had to take two steps back because of President K R Narayanan’s sharp reaction. Under a former RSS Pracharak Narendra Modi, they are pursuing the aim of Hindu Rashtra with greater zeal in an all-pervasive manner.

Very recently, a Dharma Sansad or Religious Parliament, took place in Varanasi. This Dharma Sansad has come up with a draft by the ‘Hindu Rashtra Constitution Nirman Samiti’, openly advocating for a Hindu Rashtra. The Samiti has prescribed snatching away voting rights from Muslims and Christians.

Along with the proposal to make Varanasi the capital instead of New Delhi, the Varna system legitimising caste, segregation, and hierarchy is part of the draft.

What is astonishing is the silence of the government on these brazenly unconstitutional proposals, including that of the Prime Minister, who is the Member of Parliament from Varanasi and under-oath to “do right to all manner of people in accordance with the Constitution and the law, without fear or favour, affection or ill-will”.

The negligence, contrary to the oath of the high office, indicates the complicity of the ruling regime with Hindutva forces intending to take the country hundreds of years back into the shackles of caste and gender discrimination. This studied silence on the part of the government and the BJP shows that the government will likely call such things “fringe”. But citizens should question this in every instance.

Concurrent with the secular-democratic framework, the Constitution also had a substantial welfarist orientation. It was considered necessary for the state to intervene to provide essential amenities to citizens for their upliftment from poverty and disease. Only then the equality of opportunity and right to life with dignity can be realised.

Thus, the Constitution that came into force guaranteed fundamental rights and liberties and provided for Directive Principles of State Policy, which provided a roadmap for future governments. These principles were meant to ensure the overall well-being of the country and its people. The Constitution makers intended them to be “fundamental in the governance of the country” as the Constitution declares in Article 37 of Part IV that “it shall be the duty of the State to apply these principles in making laws.” It is evident that retreating from these principles has been quite substantive. Rampant privatisation, inequalities, unemployment, lack of social security and inclusion and increase in hunger have all been hallmarks of the Modi years. Right-wing forces are hounding the spirit of scientific temper, critical inquiry and debate, and Parliament itself is being made redundant.

In the face of these assaults, our twin objectives are to protect the secular-democratic and egalitarian framework of the Constitution while fighting for the overall material upliftment of the people. As we see, the attempts to subvert our Constitution and redefine the legacy of our freedom movement is all-pervasive. Our counter to them should also be all-encompassing, ideologically raising the issues of the masses.

The Left has the historical responsibility to frustrate the forces of the Right through an ideological struggle. This ideological struggle should underpin our proud inheritance of sacrifice for our country’s freedom, our consistent commitment to secularism and the upliftment of all sections of the working class. We should raise our banner of equality against this frontal assault on our Constitution. As the most committed and concerned workers to the people and the nation, we must save the Constitution, we must save the nation.

D Raja
General Secretary, CPI

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