Challenges ahead for Sri Lanka’s new administration

The island nation’s new president has promised to tackle burning issues like corruption, terrorism, and the economic crisis. But the challenge will be delivering on these post November 14
Challenges ahead for Sri Lanka’s new administration
Express Illustration: Sourav Roy
Updated on
4 min read

In September, Sri Lankans broke their faith with the island’s political elites and elected left-leaning Anura Kumara Dissanayake, leader of the Janatha Vimukthi Peramuna (JVP) and the National Peoples’ Power (NPP). The economic collapse, hardships placed on the people and the governance crisis resulting in public protests changed the island’s political future.

The installation of a new president representing a diametrically opposite political ideology was phase 1 of political transformation, and phase 2 is marked by the parliamentary election. What happens between now and November 14 is, hence, future defining. In general, there is cautious optimism that this political experiment may yield some results—at least, at this moment.

With the September victory, the JVP, NPP’s main constituent partner, has ended years of political stagnation and been propelled to lead a nation that requires complete rebuilding. For its own part, the JVP/NPP has risen from the ashes, increasing its support base from a mere 3 percent to 42 percent last month.

However, while there may be both appreciation and apprehensions about the JVP, a party that continues to generate extreme public responses, it has shown its ability to mobilise public support, an improvement made possible both by public anxiety and rejection of the old guard as well as the JVP/NPP’s new rallying call around a fresh political agenda that takes into account specifics that need urgent addressing.

Phase 2 will be different. Firstly, 42 percent of the popular mandate was cast in favour of an individual, Anura Kumara Dissanayake, the most trusted political figure at present. He has a carefully cultivated public image, particularly over the recent years, coupled with a sustained mass appeal. What was offered from the presidential platform has caught the public’s imagination and the broader electorate has shown confidence in said agenda.

In the past three weeks, the new president has demonstrated pragmatism by engaging with the International Monetary Fund (IMF) and by offering an assurance for its continuity—but with room to make some necessary alterations to reduce the burden on the public. There is also a presidential pledge to the Catholic church to bring to book the perpetrators of the Easter Sunday attacks.  Similarly, there are other undertakings to end impunity and bring out the truth relating to the mystery murders of iconic editor Lasantha Wickrematunge as well as Wasim Thajudeen, a popular rugby player whose murder remains highly contentious. Then there is the most difficult of them all, the anti-corruption and reformist agenda to improve the current political cesspit.

Prior to the parliamentary elections, the JVP/NPP is required to let the public know how things are meant to change—how the promised agenda will be implemented post November 14. To get there, the new administration will require at least a working majority, 113 seats in the House.

The general trend is to vote the incumbency into office, which should make it somewhat easy for the JVP/NPP to muster the required seats. However, since the introduction of the 1978 Constitution and the complex preferential voting system, voters do cast their preferential votes. The JVP has consistently campaigned against marking preferences, but it is part of the voter psyche by now.

Beyond the euphoria lies the political reality that beyond some well-known political figures, the JVP/NPP is going to introduce very fresh faces. The voters are decidedly tired of traditional political parties and their breed that continues as if retirement is anathema. Still, there is a need for the electorate to know the candidates to ensure a clear win. It is going to be a case of attempting to shift numbers, from 3 to 113—at a minimum. While it would not be daunting, it is impossible to expect a landslide victory.

The JVP/NPP’s main Achilles heel is its inability to address Sri Lanka’s minorities, making up 20 percent of the electorate. Despite recent modernisations and the influx of professional women into politics and the appointment of a female PM after 24 years, the president’s party does not relate well to ethno-religious minorities. If this drawback were addressed, Dissanayake would have cleared the 50 percent plus 1 mark without hindrance.

Post nominations, this would be the first issue the president’s party must address. Their lack of demonstrated empathy for the war disappeared, land return, justice and reparation made the Marxist party uncomfortable with the Marxist ideology itself. As Dissanayake stated in his inaugural address, there is a deep need to win the trust and support of those who did not vote for him, and this can be effectively achieved through the upcoming parliamentary elections if only a genuine attempt is made to show commitment to resolving outstanding issues of the people of the North and East.

At present, the president relies on a Sinhala Buddhist mandate, ironically the same base enjoyed by hawkish former president Gotabaya Rajapaksa. For Sri Lanka to move forward, both politically and economically, this unification process is mandatory. It can be done only by treating their specific political and economic issues with due respect.

Post November 14, the new administration will not have the opportunity to experiment but simply launch into economic recovery. This will be combined with the daunting task of keeping promises to the IMF and balancing the rough seas of the India-China-US geostrategic and economic interests. The proposed production-based economy is for the long-term. In short, there is a dire need to generate revenue, attract foreign direct investment, give tourism a massive push, and increase exports.

This is likely to be one of the most enduring challenges before the new administration. There will be economic upheavals and geopolitical consideration that make things more complex.

The second challenge would be to deliver on the governance agenda. The public would want to see heads roll, a few arrests on corruption charges and others linked to impunity. This will be the litmus test as the party has catapulted into political power on the basis that corruption will be weeded out. It will have to start with the public service and move to politicians. Political rhetoric apart, this will require evidence beyond reasonable doubt and may prove hard to come by, a test the JVP/NPP must overcome.

(Views are personal)

(dilrukshi@cir.lk)

(dilrukshihandunnetti@gmail.com)

Dilrukshi Handunnetti | Award-winning journalist and lawyer; founder and director of the Colombo-based Center for Investigative Reporting (CIR)

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