Sri Lankans went to polls on November 14, 2024 with the clear intent of ending the traditional two-party rule and electing an administration that would fight corruption and prosecute the corrupt. The National People’s Power (NPP), in their opposition days, did make it sound easy to bring the “stolen money back”; but the reality of a year in office showed it is harder to do. Still, for all that isn’t achieved yet, the NPP administration has demonstrated a better political will to fight corruption than the earlier administrations.
So, a year on, the disenchantment with incumbency that has set in has more to do with the government’s failure to provide economic relief, cut crippling taxes, and lower the unbearable cost of living than its fight against corruption. Before coming to office, the NPP had pledged to renegotiate with the International Monetary Fund, set up a new national development bank, and improve governance structures in a clear departure from the past.
However, this government has continued with the IMF process adopted by former President Ranil Wickremesinghe and has used provisions of the Anti-Corruption Act 2023 and the amended National Audit Act—two important measures taken by the former administration. The 2023 anti-graft law effectively expanded the mandate of the Commission to Investigate Allegations of Bribery or Corruption, including in detection and prosecution, in probing the private sector, in seeking and facilitating international cooperation against corruption, and in making asset and liability declarations mandatory for public officials.
Another significant development was the enactment of the Regulation of Election Expenditure Act No 3 of 2023—a longstanding demand of civil society—that at long last allows regulation of election spending by parties and candidates. It was followed this year by the much-awaited Proceeds of Crime Act No 5 of 2025, which enables recovery of proceeds through freezing, forfeiture, and disposal. Both these are milestones in tackling graft. To make the bulwark stronger, the Companies (Amendment) Act No 12 of 2025 mandates the disclosure of beneficial owners, another vital step contributing to a stronger legal framework to combat systemic corruption.
In effect, the anti-corruption legal framework that Sri Lanka has been developing for some time was finalised by the NPP administration this year. However, an important unfulfilled promise is the setting up of a public prosecutor’s office to enable impartial prosecution.
The government has also made several arrests within a year, sparking a stinging political debate over their motives. Wickremesinghe was recently detained over accusations of improper use of public funds. The administration weathered sharp criticism from some opposition groups, but sent a strong public message that no one enjoyed immunity and the political elite would not be protected, as was done in the past. Convictions do take time, but in their absence—after boastful claims of having sufficient evidence to prosecute—the failure to proceed beyond arrests will only invite public mistrust.
The government has also recently slashed some benefits of former presidents, reclaimed several state-owned homes occupied by them, and launched inquiries against former legislators, public servants, and police officers. It is inspiring to see the fight against corruption and some criticism for it is par for the course. But the litmus test will be how the NPP administration responds to allegations of corruption and lack of integrity among its own representatives.
The ruling alliance’s self-proclaimed lily-white status was challenged within days of taking oath—when Asoka Ranwala, a first-time parliamentarian who was appointed parliament speaker, had his PhD claim challenged, forcing him to resign from the high office. A year later, he continues as an MP without offering a credible explanation about his failure to present his PhD certificate.
More serious allegations have been levelled against Energy Minister Kumara Jayakody over his involvement in the misappropriation of millions during his tenure at the Ceylon Fertiliser Company. Senior politician Wasantha Samarasinghe, the NPP’s minister of trade and food security, is being investigated by the Colombo Fraud Investigation Bureau over an alleged fraud and forgery involving the lease of a public building and land belonging to the National Workers’ Institute. The latest to come under the microscope is popular actor-turned-politician Jagath Manuwarna. On October 29, the Colombo Fort Magistrate issued a warrant for his arrest for failing to appear before the court in a 2008 case involving allegations of financial misconduct and conspiracy.
The new administration must be cognisant that it would be judged by its efficiency in dealing with corruption, malpractice, and integrity issues of its own, apart from of others. Caesar's wife must be above suspicion, goes the adage—one that the NPP will do good to bear in mind and factor in the strong public expectations to protect its image as an anti-graft administration.
Fighting corruption will take time, as the wheels of justice roll slowly. Meanwhile, private citizens will have to contend with their overwhelming financial challenges as 12 million registered taxpayers face disproportionate levies.
As it marks its first year in office, the NPP administration should adopt a balancing act. While driving reforms and fighting corruption, it also needs to provide relief for the public reeling from the debilitating aftereffects of the 2022 economic collapse. The IMF-imposed austerity measures continue to tighten the noose around their necks. The poverty rate has increased to 24.5 percent, while the rate of school dropouts is on the rise, as is malnutrition. While single-mindedly chasing economic recovery goals, the government must not lose the early gains made by the country in both public healthcare and education. In the end, it is not possible to prioritise one over the other—reality calls for combining the two.
Dilrukshi Handunnetti | Award-winning journalist and lawyer; founder and director of the Colombo-based Center for Investigative Reporting
(Views are personal)
(dilrukshi@cir.lk)
