As the Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh turns 100 this year, it is learning to adjust to the realities of realpolitik and listen to the demands of the Naya Bharat it helped birth. Pushed by the current sociological, political, economic and cultural narratives, the RSS is learning to tweak its identity and ideology.
Over these 100 years, it succeeded in turning the invocation of secularism into an act of social apartheid. But never before did it encounter such a bellicose opposition targeting it for communal polarisation and caste discrimination. In the past, the RSS ignored what it believed were motivated accusations. But of late, it has chosen to take its ideological foes head on to save its credibility, acceptability and efficacy as a unifying force of Hinduism. Pushed by the current sociological, political, economic and cultural churning, the RSS is learning the ropes to handle both unsavoury and scrumptious perceptions about its genuine identity and ideology. It believes it’s more misunderstood than understood by motivated illiberals.
Nowhere is this sentiment more obvious than in the top leadership’s recent somersaults over caste convulsions. Last week, the leadership made it unambiguously clear that it was not against both a caste survey and reservation in government jobs. After a meeting of over 300 senior functionaries in Kerala, including the chiefs of its frontal organisations, its publicity chief Sunil Ambekar said: “In our Hindu society, we have the sensitive issue of our caste and caste relations. Of course, it is an important issue of our national unity and integrity. It should be dealt with very seriously, not on the basis of electioneering or election practices or politics.”
He added: “The RSS thinks that for all welfare activities, particularly those targeting such communities or castes that are lagging behind if the government needs the numbers it is a well-established practice. But it should be done only for the welfare of those communities and castes. It should not be used as a political tool for elections. So we put this forth with a line of caution for everyone.”
Ambekar made the stand public after long deliberations in which BJP president J P Nadda was present along with senior leaders from the Bharatiya Mazdoor Sangh, Akhil Bharatiya Vidyarthi Parishad and Vishwa Hindu Parishad. The BJP has so far refrained from committing to a nationwide caste survey, even though its allies like the JD(U) have already done an extensive caste count in their own state of Bihar.
Sangh Parivar warriors are wondering about the timing of the change in stance. With good reason, the RSS has been adamant on Hindu unity without any distinction. Not just that, many senior leaders have taken an active stand against caste-based reservations. In 2015, RSS sarsanghchalak Mohan Bhagwat called for a review of the reservation policy, criticising its politicisation.
In an interview with Organiser, he said, “We believe that a committee comprising individuals genuinely concerned about the nation’s interests and committed to social equality, including representatives from various sections of society, should decide which categories require reservation and for how long... If we would have implemented this (reservation) policy as envisaged by the Constitution makers instead of doing politics over it, then the present situation would not have arrived. Since inception it has been politicised.”
The statement created a furore in Bihar which was going to the assembly polls, where it was interpreted as a demand for a review of the reservation system. Later, in January 2017, Manmohan Vaidya, one of the six general secretaries, insisted: “Reservations for SC, ST were introduced in a different context. It was provided for in the Constitution to remedy the historical injustice done to them. It was our responsibility. So, reservation for them has been there since the inception (of the Constitution). But, even Ambedkar has said its continuance in perpetuity is not good. There should be a time limit to it.”
But within a couple of days, the RSS decided to refute the interpretation given by the media. In a joint statement, Dattatreya Hosabale and Vaidya reiterated, “Caste-based reservation to SCs, STs and OBCs, according to the Constitution, should be continued. The reservations should continue till caste discrimination exists in Hindu society.” During the last Lok Sabha elections, Bhagwat made the RSS position more emphatic when he said: “The Sangh has always supported reservations as provided by the Constitution. Reservation should continue as long as it is necessary for those who need it. Until discrimination exists, reservation should remain.”
It is evident that the RSS has come under pressure from opposition parties and the criticality of poll politics. Earlier, political attacks on the RSS were muted and limited to certain individuals. Not so now. Leader of the opposition Rahul Gandhi has picked the RSS as his primary target with the twin objectives of wooing Muslims without sounding anti-Hindu and rallying all non-BJP parties. Even while attacking the Modi government and its policies, Rahul makes RSS the main culprit. Moreover, Rahul and the Congress are worried about the enormous growth in RSS’s numbers and the massive expansion of its frontal organisations that influence tribals, students, youths, cultural organisations, business communities and even artists.
During the past decade, the RSS and its backers have floated over 500 NGOs and think tanks to dictate and define the nationalist narrative. Retired civil servants, diplomats and defence officials with an RSS background have been drafted to counter any anti-RSS propaganda. Yet, it has also decided to modify its public posturing by adopting a more flexible response to criticism. Instead of sticking to its old tradition of holding morning shakhas, it has evolved a better networking architecture. Instead of keeping a low profile, its top leaders now speak more often on public platforms while shunning direct media interviews. It has chosen to fight its own battle instead of trusting its swayamsevaks in the establishment.
The image of a khaki-shorts-clad civilian army marching in lockstep to an authoritarian diktat is outdated. The RSS has given India and its states two prime ministers, a president, a vice president, over 40 chief ministers and hundreds of Union and state ministers. But now it has realised that power isn’t a permanent integrator. Instead, it has ignited caste conflicts all over again.
Even now, though, over a million people attend RSS’s 70,000-odd shakhas. Its core agenda of preventing conversions and expanding its Hindutva footprint remains non-negotiable. But its success in bringing various castes under the Ram Mandir movement is now facing political and social diminishing returns. The recent Lok Sabha elections showed that the BJP was not to sustain the saffronisation of castes that gave it a majority for two consecutive terms. Now it is left again to the motherload, the RSS, to re-engineer its social code, and support the marginalised and deprived classes. The RSS’s process of recasting its philosophy on castes and communities has only just begun.
It follows the realisation that acquiring political power alone is not a panacea for all Hindus. It temporarily unites for glitter, but also divides to ensure an equitable distribution of power among all classes and castes.
prabhu chawla
prabhuchawla@newindianexpress.com
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