Charisma is the bridge between ambition and acquisition; plus performance powering populism, it projects political popularity. While the iconic Modi magic mesmerised masses in four states, Arvind Kejriwal’s Punjab victory proves that marketing credible performance in one state can sell the future in the next. India suffers from an alternative national leadership famine. The spectacular performance by AAP, just a decade old, has punched holes in the national narrative. After winning Punjab, the second state where it has gained power, by grabbing 92 of the 117 Assembly seats, both the party and its unflashy captain have redefined charisma as the afterglow rather than the light itself.
In the world of entertainment and sports, celebrities owe their charm to their looks, plastic surgeons, makeup artists and other image-makers. In politics, the person himself/herself is the only image-maker. Though Modi’s charisma made him an attractive mass proposition, he became a cult figure only after 20 years of credible performance. Last week, Kejriwal dominated the prime time and front pages and was projected by pundits as a long-term alternative to the BJP and Modi. No doubt, the mind space he occupies is disproportionately higher than AAP’s vote share. Yet, as the folksy version of the new politician, AK has successfully projected his party as a vehicle for ‘better din’. His mantra is about attracting, identifying and recruiting new talent whose past is unknown. His message: government money belongs to ordinary people who must get basic facilities either free or at nominal prices.
Kejriwal is no flash in the pan but an eccentric urban Che Guevara in shirt sleeves who takes on the Centre which treats him as half a chief minister of just a Union Territory. But he has overcome the Big Brother’s intimidation and forged the image of a leader with a difference, skilled in connectivity, creativity and credibility.
New face paradigm
AAP’s Punjab triumph smashed all previous records. Following the victory pattern in Delhi, AAP polled 42% votes. It grabbed three-fourths of seats in its second attempt to form government in the state. In 2017, it had polled only 27% votes. AAP offered itself as a better alternative in Punjab to the disheveled Akalis, a weak BJP and a discredited and confused Congress. Its emphasis was on winnnability and new faces. AAP’s 92 MLAs comprise professionals like doctors, advocates, sportspersons, teachers, women and, of course, some defectors. Moreover, AK is skilled at spotting potential leaders. He fully promoted Bhagwant Mann as part of his project to create new young leadership, who would keep the party flag flying for years ahead. This ‘New Face’ paradigm worked. As an outsider, AAP didn’t face anti-incumbency factor.
While its opponents, the BJP and the Congress have been in politics and in power for years, they were AK’s natural targets. He picked young educated professionals from the streets with fire in their bellies to change the political environment. In 2014, many foreign-educated youngsters with upper-middle-class backgrounds joined AAP and won elections in Delhi. Kejriwal provided an umbrella platform for all castes, communities and classes to participate in building a new alternative. AAP is a party sans a dogmatic ideology or economic philosophy, but one of aam aaurats (women) and aam admis (men).
Empirical studies show that over 60% of sitting MLAs lose elections the second time. In Punjab, AAP’s leadership and researchers identified likely losers and chose the right candidates against them. In its first election in Delhi in December 2013, AAP got 28 out of 70 seats and formed a minority government that survived for 49 days. In 2014, it lost all the seven Lok Sabha seats to the Modi Wave. It bounced back a year later with a record 67 out of 70 seats and reduced the BJP to three MLAs and the Congress to zero. Its vote share was 54%. It aggressively marketed brand ‘Muffler Man’ (Kejriwal) as the ‘Miracle Maestro’ of Indian politics. Kejriwal’s current mission is to spread AAP’s wings over new hunting grounds. As a result, AAP, born in 2012, has 156 MLAs which makes it the fourth largest party in the country. All other old regional and caste-based outfits are confined to their states, or like the BSP, have faded away. But Kejriwal casts a long shadow. The canny leader’s intention is not always to win elections everywhere he plants his broom, but to make his presence felt. For the past ten years, he has been trying to influence electoral outcomes in Goa, Uttrakhand, Gujarat, UP, Haryana, Kerala and MP with little success, though he made gains in municipal elections in Gujarat, which seems to be his next target.
Pragmatic makeover
As a comparatively new kid on the block, AAP must be credited for fashioning a creative and credible agenda for a novel political ecosystem. Since the party was birthed by an anti-corruption movement, Kejriwal started off by providing a transparent government in Delhi. Instead of collecting money from the shadowy sources of the bloated underbelly of politics, he started crowd-sourcing funds. During AAP’s initial years, over 90% of the donations were by cheque. Kejriwal vigorously followed the welfare model. He offered water gratis, subsidised electricity, free healthcare through mohalla clinics and home delivery of essential services. He modernised the city’s infrastructure. Modern facilities changed the image of government schools in the capital. AAP was the first party to reject VIP culture by abolishing red beacons on the vehicles of ministers and MLAs. Following the Modi model of publicity, Kejriwal amplified his achievements through massive publicity campaigns to establish his image as leader who doesn’t forget his promises.
Though he began as an idealist, AK is now a pragmatic and practical politician. His ultimate goal is to acquire maximum power, for which the means do not seem relevant. He poaches from other parties. He identifies leaders with resources and muscle power. And he chooses only people with mass connect who can ensure victory. He refused to promote a well-known journalist to lead AAP in Goa because the person had no grassroots fix. But Kejriwal’s success is primarily due to the withering away of the Congress in many states. AAP is moving faster than the BJP to create Congress-mukt states. Kejriwal targets states where Congress is either weakening or is ruling so that he can encash on the anti-incumbency. With a similar social vote base, AAP is a better alternative. Its strategy is to win the state or tactically withdraw if victory isn’t in sight. For example, when Kejriwal discerned that Uttarakhand was a losing proposition, he withdrew from the contest and deployed more resources in Punjab.
Kejriwal has miles to go to become a decisive factor in national politics. But he is slowly inching in that direction. He has chosen national icons like Bhagat Singh and Ambedkar to attract more votes. He will devote his entire energy to convert Punjab into a model of good governance and seek votes in other states on that plank. With five more Rajya Sabha members, AAP will play a crucial role in legislative initiatives. In 2024, it could win half a dozen more seats from Punjab. The Kejriwal of 2022 isn’t the same aggressive leader of 2015. He has degree but not pedigree. Kejriwal has authored the idea of AAP as the new crusader who has come of age. But it is still an idea whose time to acquire nationwide acceptability will take a long time to come.