Delhi belongs to all, not just one community or caste

When Chief Minister Rekha Gupta writes to the Railway Minister to rename Delhi Junction after Maharaja Agrasen her stature gets reduced from being leader of Delhi to a politician belonging to a particular caste.
Old Delhi railway station
Old Delhi railway station Photo | erail
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Whom does Delhi belong to? It’s a very difficult question to answer given the cultural, caste and community mosaic of the city ever since it was founded by the Tomar King Anang Pal almost 1500 years ago. He built the first city of Lal Kot, which was captured by the Chauhans in the mid-12th century and renamed it Qila Rai Pithora.

However the oldest archaeological relic found in the national Capital is of Mauryan period that is 1200 years further back in history. After the defeat of Prithviraj Chauhan at Battle of Tarain in 1192, came the Sultanate, then the Mughals, the British and finally independence. All through this period, irrespective of which community did the ruler belong to, Delhi’s cultural life continued to be a mosaic described earlier.

Thus it is very surprising that Delhi Chief Minister Rekha Gupta could recommend renaming of Delhi Junction, popularly known as Old Delhi Railway station, after a Vaishya caste icon Maharaja Agrasen. According to newspaper reports she has written to Railway Minister Ashwini Vaishnaw saying, “I am writing to respectfully request your kind consideration for renaming the Old Delhi Railway Station in honour of Maharaja Agrasen, a revered historical figure whose legacy has had a profound impact on the socio-economic development of India, particularly in Delhi.”

In the chronology of kings and dynasties which ruled Delhi, Maharaja Agrasen doesn’t figure. He is part of the legend and believed to belong to the lineage of Lord Ram of Ayodhya, his 34th generation descendent. He is said to have adopted the Vanika dharma (trading duties) and the Vaishya community draws its lineage from him.

His descendants came with the name of the Agarwals divided into 18 gotras. Being the ‘identity deity’ of a prosperous and a powerful community, institutions in his name have come across the country and overseas too specially in the 20th and the 21st centuries. The only historical site of any consequence in his name is ‘Agrasen Ki Baoli’ on Hailey Road in Lutyens’ Delhi.

According to archaeological research and records, this step well was built in medieval times during either the Tughlaq or the Lodi period by a community of traders to commemorate the memory of their icon. There is no other historical reference to Agrasen’s association with Delhi though during the period of ‘resurgence’ in the last quarter of the last century the city has come to be dotted with institutions, roads, colonies and townships named after Agrasen.

This resurgence aligns with Sanskritization, a concept given by noted sociologist MN Srinivas, wherein communities not only adopt upper-caste practices but also construct historical narratives to legitimize their elevated status. By venerating Agrasen, Vaishyas underscore their Kshatriya roots and moral authority, challenging traditional caste hierarchies. Such symbolic assertions have been instrumental in fostering community cohesion and enhancing socio-political influence.

Now there cannot be in any justification in naming the historical railway station of the national Capital, which is known for its cosmopolitan culture, after a caste icon. This also doesn’t go well with the political legacy of the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) in general and its inheritance in the national Capital in particular. The question remains whom does Delhi belong to – Vaishyas, Punjabis, Jats, Gujjars, Ahirs, Jatavs, Valmikis, Brahmins, Rajputs, Kayasthas, Muslims, Poorvanchali, Bengali, Odia or South Indian migrants, this list in long.

BJP has come to power in the national Capital by getting votes of the majority of the communities of this social fabric. When Chief Minister Rekha Gupta writes to the Railway Minister to rename Delhi Junction after Maharaja Agrasen her stature gets reduced from being leader of Delhi to a politician belonging to a particular caste.

Even 500 years after it was built, Agrasen’s name lives with the step well on Hailey Road. It’s admired for its architecture and the vision to build a monument for public good. The tenures in governance which BJP (and its predecessor Jana Sangh) have had in Delhi, it has been known for conceptualising and building fresh infrastructure.

Be it Mukherjee Nagar, Keshavpuram, Janakpuri or for that matter Dwarka, all these developmental projects were initiated during the time of BJP or alliance governments both or either at the Centre and in the city. Let present BJP government’s leadership focus on paradigm changing development projects rather than short term name changing missions.

Sidharth Mishra

Author and president, Centre for Reforms, Development & Justice

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