In May 2023, the coming to power of Congress was a point of hope for the people. It did start well by rolling out five guarantee schemes. However, the government, which is set to complete the first half of its tenure on November 20, appeared to have been weighed down by political uncertainties and controversies which have dented its image.
If implementing the five flagship welfare schemes was a zenith of Congress’ rule in the last two-and-a-half years, its failure to put an end to the leadership issue was the nadir. The supposed power-sharing agreement between Chief Minister Siddaramaiah and Deputy CM DK Shivakumar gained more traction in the political lexicon than the government’s achievements. The party’s central leadership is yet to take the bull by the horns. An element of uncertainty that was there from the beginning only increased further.
Realising the damage it was doing to the government’s image, Siddaramaiah tried to put an end to it by asserting that he would continue as the CM for a full tenure. But his party colleagues kept the issue alive. At some point, even the CM admitted that he would continue, provided the high command permits. All along, Congress leaders, including the CM and the DyCM, put the ball in the high command’s court.
However, central leaders have not spoken decisively on Siddaramaiah continuing as CM for the full five-year term. Their ambiguity has fueled the uncertainty surrounding the change in leadership. It continues to lurk in the shadows of the government that came to power with an astounding majority. In hindsight, the party could have adopted a better strategy to avert such political uncertainties.
Apart from the leadership issue, several other factors have also undermined the government’s reputation. The Congress, which had made corruption a poll plank in the run-up to the 2023 Assembly polls, has itself faced serious charges after coming to power.
These include financial irregularities in the Karnataka Maharshi Valmiki Scheduled Tribes Development Corporation Limited that resulted in the resignation of a minister; allegations against the CM and his family in the Mysuru Urban Development Authority (MUDA) sites allotment case; and the State Contractors Association’s allegations over demands for commissions from contractors and delays in paying their bills.
On the development front, a few ministers tried to bring in systemic changes to their departments, while others were hardly visible. A whole-of-government approach is lacking, giving the impression that the government is in a state of inertia.
Consider two recent developments. A farmer resorted to self-immolation outside the Deputy Commissioner’s office in Mandya. It was heart-wrenching to see the farmer, with 60% burns, accusing officials of apathy and not responding to his pleas on an issue related to land. A day later, he died in the hospital. Without entering the merits of the issue, it is evident that the system had failed him.
Another issue was the sugarcane growers’ strike that was called off on Friday after nine days. Why was it allowed to escalate before the powers that be deemed it necessary to intervene? The CM held marathon meetings with sugar factory owners and farmers to end the protests after the agitation in Belagavi district threatened to spread to other parts of the state. Elected representatives from the region and officials failed to gauge the situation, much less respond to it, till it became inevitable. A few months ago, mango growers were left in a lurch due to inadequate pulp processing units in the state.
Such instances indicate that the government is perpetually in a reactive rather than a proactive mode, with hope turning into despair for those at the receiving end.
In the last two-and-a-half years, the government has also been accused of blurring the lines between governance and party politics by constituting committees consisting of Congress workers to oversee the implementation of the government schemes. From a purely political perspective, it may be a good move to strengthen the organizations by making the party workers feel integrated with the government. But it also sets a bad precedent. The implementation of government schemes, including guarantee schemes, is the responsibility of elected representatives and officials, not party workers.
Studies have shown the guarantee schemes have had a positive impact on women’s empowerment. The government claims to have struck a balance between welfare schemes and long-term development. However, it is accused of retrenching funds for development works, and citizens have borne the brunt of increasing the prices of many commodities and services. This interplay between responsible politics and good economics remains a litmus test for the Congress government.
While Karnataka’s inherent strengths lie in its top-class IT/BT, startup, and industry ecosystems, which attract significant investments, the administration has faced flak over basic urban issues, including potholed roads, broken footpaths, and poor solid waste management practices in the state capital. Although the government transformed the Bruhat Bengaluru Mahanagara Palike (BBMP) into the much fancier-sounding Greater Bengaluru Authority (GBA) headed by the CM, the same old issues continue to haunt citizens.
The Socio-Economic and Educational Survey – also known as the caste census – was another major decision taken by the Siddaramaiah government. Its report – expected to be submitted in December – is likely to kick up a storm as opposition parties and some dominant communities have raised questions over its credibility.
Be it the outcome of the caste census report or the course the state politics is likely to take, Siddaramaiah and Shivakumar would hope to successfully weather political storms that could gain strength in the second half of their government’s tenure.
