THIRUVANANTHAPURAM : In off-the-cuff remark by Speaker A N Shamseer last July had kept the Left in Kerala on tenterhooks for a couple of weeks. Despite tremendous political pressure, the CPM stood by its leader like a rock.
What, however, worried the Left was the belligerent posturing by a majority community organisation – the NSS — that launched a faith protection campaign, akin to its ‘Namajapa Ghoshayathra’ during the Sabarimala fiasco in 2019.
Notably, despite provocations, Left leaders chose to avoid a direct confrontation with NSS supremo G Sukumaran Nair. Be it him or SNDP general secretary Vellappally Natesan, community leaders for long have remained a privileged class in state politics.
In fact, there are few political leaders in the state who haven’t come under their scathing attack at some point in time. Yet, barring a few such as the late M N Govindan Nair, CPM stalwart V S Achuthanandan, Chief Minister Pinarayi Vijayan and the maverick P C George, political leaders, in general, have avoided targeting the community heads, thereby toeing an ‘unwritten’ code of political decorum.
In many ways, these socio-political leaders are not mere chieftains of their communities, but also the embodiments of ‘identity politics’ that Kerala has witnessed since yore. The more progressive Kerala claims to be, the more regressive appears the clout of casteist groups in its society.
Come elections, Kerala politics shows its true colours. Right from seat-sharing, to candidate selection and allotment of cabinet berths, caste and religious permutations have always played a crucial role.
When it comes to candidate selection, community equations come to the fore. Take the state capital, for instance. Candidates from the prominent Nadar community used to be the preferred choice here. It was the Left that, in recent times, first broke this pattern.
Similarly, candidates from the Nair, Ezhava, Latin Catholic communities, or maybe a few from among the Muslims tend to get priority in select constituencies.
It would be wrong to assume that ‘progressive’ Kerala voters are solely ideology-driven. All three fronts in Kerala – LDF, UDF and NDA – usually leave caste equations undisturbed, even as they balance out religious ones.
At times, however, the Left and the BJP have fielded candidates in deviation from the usual pattern. Just a few exceptions.
Going by the CSDS-Kerala NES post-poll surveys, the 2019 LS elections witnessed a major shift in voting patterns among different communities. This was more pertinent in the case of the Nair community, which constitutes around 14% of the state population.
The 2019 polls witnessed a major consolidation of Nair votes against the LDF, thanks to the Sabarimala issue. The BJP ended up as the real beneficiary of the shift. The UDF, too, gained a bit.
“It’s true that there has always been a caste-based shift in the voting patterns,” says political scientist Prof. KM Sajad Ibrahim of Kerala University.
“A major shift in Nair votes from the Left to the BJP was visible in 2019. However, the minorities stood with the Left. This continued in the 2021 assembly polls as well. This time around, the Left stands a good chance to garner more Ezhava votes. There are also indications that the Left may get substantial support from the Muslim community, too.”
Compared with 2014, the BJP gained 7% more Nair votes, while the UDF recorded 1% increase in its Nair vote-share in 2019. The LDF lost 8% of Nair votes.
The BJP’s vote-gain reflected in constituencies where Hindu communities enjoyed a dominating presence, such as Thrissur and Pathanamthitta.
On the contrary, the voting pattern among the Ezhava community, which constitutes about 26% of the state population, remained more or less the same. Curiously, the presence of Bharath Dharma Jana Sena (BDJS), the political arm of the SNDP, made little difference. In 2019, all three fronts lost about 2% of Ezhava votes, when compared with 2014.
Of late, identity politics has grown beyond the realms of caste, religion or gender. Yet, caste politics remain the mainstay for most political organisations, believes political commentator N M Pearson.
This should be read alongside the on-ground reality that none of the political fronts dares to field candidates from lower castes in non-reserved seats. And those from the upper castes walk away with the cream, when it comes to key posts.
“Ultimately, politics in the state plays out through caste and religion. It’s easy for caste and religious elements to be dominating factors within political parties, given the ingrained casteist mentality of the Indian society as a whole,” Pearson notes.
“It is, indeed, a sad reality that caste-politics dominates the political sphere. The agendas set by mainstream political parties play a major role in this. But, that said, caste-based outfits such as National Democratic Party (NDP of the NSS) or BDJS might not succeed akin to religion-centric parties like the Muslim League.”
The NDP existed from 1974 to 1996, but failed to make any impact. Founded in 2015, the BDJS, too, is yet to make a mark. Organisations such as Janadhipathya Rashtriya Sabha floated by tribal leader C K Janu and the International Kamaraj Congress floated by Vaikunda Swamy Dharma Pracharana Sabha chief Vishnupuram Chandrasekharan also have failed to cause major ripples.
While the Pattikajathi Kshema Samithi is the feeder organisation of a political party, a slew of other outfits like Kerala Pulayar Mahasabha, Kerala Vanika Vaisya Sangham or Kerala Brahmana Sabha, Yogakshema Sabha and Kerala Dalit Federation rarely declare their political preferences outright.
Yet, ironically, they remain the most sought-after by mainstream political parties. For politics of caste sells well here.
No sharp swing in Ezhava votes
Voting pattern of the Ezhava community, which constitutes about 26% of the state population, remained more or less the same. Curiously, the presence of Bharath Dharma Jana Sena (BDJS), the political arm of the SNDP, made little difference.