Sobha Surendran is one of the most popular faces of the BJP in Kerala. In a conversation with TNIE, she argues that the BJP has crossed the fringe stage in the state, with a stabilised vote base and growing acceptance across regions.
She also targets both the LDF and the UDF, accusing them of blocking development while claiming credit for central initiatives. Excerpts
The Kerala assembly elections are drawing near. How’s the BJP approaching it?
Our approach is centred on development. We have a prime minister who insists on simplicity, service, and execution. Kerala is seen as an integral part of India’s overall progress. For us, power is not an end in itself, but a means to achieve development. For decades, the BJP was told that Kerala was out of bounds—that we could only watch from the gallery. There was not just a political barrier, but an ideological one, created jointly by the LDF and the UDF, both of which opposed every idea put forward by the BJP.
Have recent elections shown a shift in that perception?
Yes. The last Lok Sabha elections showed that change is possible. We won Thrissur with a margin of over 75,000 votes. In Alappuzha, our vote share rose from around 1.8 lakh to over 3 lakh votes, despite irregularities that prevented nearly 15,000 votes from being counted. Even in traditional Left strongholds like Attingal and Thiruvananthapuram, we came close to victory. These results show that the ideological barrier is weakening.
This time, we are not asking people merely to help us “open the account”. We are asking them to support a double-engine government so that central projects can reach Kerala without hindrance.
But BJP’s vote share dipped in the recent local body elections. How do you assess that?
Vote share alone is not the decisive factor at this stage of Kerala’s political churn. What matters is where the votes are consolidating and whether they reflect political acceptance. BJP’s vote share has stabilised in the 15–20% range across Kerala, creating a solid base.
Our votes are no longer confined to pockets but spread across districts, cutting into the traditional vote banks of both the Congress and the CPM. Local body elections follow different dynamics, with tactical voting and local-level adjustments between LDF and UDF.
Many voters supported the Congress simply to defeat the ruling Left, not out of long-term allegiance. What is significant is that BJP votes are non-transferable to either front. Voters are choosing the BJP consciously for its ideology and development agenda. Having crossed the fringe stage, this base can translate into seats in the assembly elections, where governance and leadership matter more than local tactics.
You allege that the LDF and the UDF enter into a tacit understanding to defeat the BJP. Don’t you expect that to happen again?
If such attempts happen, they will be limited. People are far more alert now. In around 30 constituencies where we have secured over 30,000 votes, we will expose any such understandings and closely analyse voting patterns. Even at the local level, such arrangements are visible. For instance, in Kayamkulam municipality, LDF and UDF recently shared standing committee posts. Once people understand these deals, it will benefit the BJP.
There are attempts to consolidate votes along religious lines. Where does the BJP fit into this narrative?
These are purely vote-driven strategies by both fronts. The CPM and the Congress have both courted communal forces when it suited them and then warned people about the same forces when politically convenient. People are intelligent enough to see through this hypocrisy. Such politics will ultimately harm the Left. The BJP stands for development and genuine secularism, not selective appeasement.
Who is BJP’s real enemy in Kerala—the LDF or the UDF?
Our real enemy is anti-development politics. Take railway development: During the NDA period, Kerala received more than seven times the funds it got in the UPA era. That alone should prompt serious reflection.
If the BJP has to grow, it must replace one front. Which one?
Kerala effectively has three major parties—Congress, CPM and BJP. As for smaller parties within fronts, their representation is often disproportionate to their actual vote base. The political realignment will happen naturally.
What are the main hurdles to BJP’s growth in Kerala?
False narratives. People are told that the BJP is anti-Muslim and anti-Christian, or that we follow Manusmriti. These are deliberate distortions. Muslims were misled during the CAA protests and made to believe they would be expelled from the country. In reality, the BJP has more Muslim members nationally than the Muslim League. Benefits to minorities have increased under the Modi government, corruption has been curbed, and the Haj process has been streamlined. We will directly engage with communities to remove these fears.
The Christian leadership has raised certain demands. How does the BJP view this?
Community leaders have the right to articulate their concerns. We hope Kerala’s politics moves away from fear-mongering and towards development-oriented discussions.
You mentioned your party’s significant vote share in 30 seats. Is the BJP focusing only on around 30 winnable constituencies?
(Smiles) No, the party will reveal its strategy before the elections. What I can say is that the BJP has expanded its presence across Kerala, including in traditional CPM strongholds. Our aim is to win a significant number of seats while increasing our overall vote share, without compromising on ideology.
K Surendran has demanded that the SIT probing the Sabarimala gold theft must interrogate Sonia Gandhi too. Is it the BJP’s stand that both LDF and UDF are responsible for the Sabarimala issue?
Yes, absolutely. The Congress has failed to provide convincing answers. Questions regarding meetings involving Unnikrishnan Potti and Sonia Gandhi remain unanswered. If there is no involvement, why the silence? The chief minister should order a CBI probe, or the court should intervene. Relying only on an SIT raises doubts. If there were at least half a dozen BJP MLAs, Sabarimala theft would not have happened.
Do you expect a change in the perception that the BJP exists only to be defeated?
That perception is already changing. The handling of the Sabarimala issue, the criminalisation of protesters, and the hypocrisy of the Left have led many to question CPM’s credibility. Globally, communism has declined, and Kerala will not be an exception. People are beginning to see the gap between CPM’s words and actions. This realisation will shape Kerala’s political future.
Is the BJP trying to grow in the space between the Left and the UDF?
We are growing on a straight path. On one side is the Left led by the CPM and on the other is the so-called right represented by the UDF. When the BJP moves forward on a clear, development-oriented line, those who genuinely believe in progress will naturally align with us. Anil Antony joining us was a significant step. Padmaja Venugopal followed. Many more want to join the BJP. This trend is visible nationally as well, and ordinary citizens are increasingly showing affinity towards the party.
The BJP grew in other states by winning over leaders from other parties, especially the Congress. But that hasn’t happened in Kerala. Why?
When the time is right, they will join.
There were reports of a leader travelling to Delhi and returning after a phone call. What happened?
I have already stated everything publicly and I stand by that. E P Jayarajan underwent a serious ideological shift and personal distress within the CPM. Discussions about his joining the BJP took place through an intermediary, whose background I’m unaware of. When he failed to arrive at the agreed time, I was informed that a minister was staying in the adjacent room. I stepped out and saw Minister Radhakrishnan along with police personnel. Later, the room details were confirmed through RTI documents. Everything I have stated can be verified. I also want to clarify that I met not just one leader. I met several leaders, though I haven’t disclosed their names.
Are they still in the CPM?
I never said I met only CPM leaders.
Does that mean discussions were held but none agreed to join the BJP?
That cannot be said. There could be several reasons. Some leaders who joined later may have been part of earlier discussions.
Can we expect more leaders to join?
Yes. Changes will certainly happen in Kerala.
There have been speculations about Shashi Tharoor joining the BJP. Now, he has said that he would stay with the Congress…
I would like to go by what he said. There is nothing to add (smiles).
Have seat-sharing or candidate decisions been finalised?
In the BJP, candidates are decided by the organisation. There is no individual call. This will be my ninth election.
You are one of the most popular faces of the BJP in Kerala. Wherever you go, there is noticeable enthusiasm…
I have been active in Kerala politics since the 1990s—starting with the Yuva Morcha, later leading the Mahila Morcha at the state level, and serving on the BJP national executive. These responsibilities helped me connect with people across Kerala. I have travelled extensively, led protests, and worked closely with grassroots workers. That connection reflects in the public response.
You contested from different seats. Do you feel staying with one constituency would have helped?
It may help an individual candidate, but the organisation’s interest comes first. If the party feels I am needed elsewhere, I will contest there. That said, I understand the political value of consistency. My work in Alappuzha continues because people there face serious issues with public services and livelihoods. Winning or losing an election does not negate the agenda to bring development.
Will contesting from Alappuzha improve your chances now?
I’m not making such claims. My focus is on the people. Decisions on candidature will be taken by the party, and I will abide by them.
The state government says central funds remain pending in projects like housing schemes. Why?
Central housing schemes were delayed in Kerala because of a lack of interest initially and later due to unnecessary restructuring. Financial mismanagement and mounting debt have affected implementation. Kerala needs a transparent financial review mechanism. Claims that the state is poverty-free do not reflect ground realities.
The Kerala government says displaying central government boards hurts its self-respect…
In other states, ruling and opposition parties work together to secure central projects. In Kerala, development is often blocked due to the political ego of the ruling party and the Congress, especially K C Venugopal.
There were rumours that you were unhappy in the BJP. Any truth to that?
The BJP is a democratic party. Differences of opinion are discussed openly. Leadership decisions are taken collectively, and we accept them. That internal democracy is our strength.
You joined the BJP when it was weak in Kerala. Has the party met your expectations?
Kerala is a challenging political space with a strong reformist and Left legacy. But when I joined, the BJP had no elected representatives even at the local bodies here. Today, we have grown significantly. The presence of women leaders has increased, our organisational strength has expanded, and we are no longer isolated politically. The journey continues.
Why did the UDF perform well in the recent local body elections? How does the BJP assess that?
They succeeded in creating a narrative that voting against the CPM meant voting for the Congress. Many people wanted to register protest votes against the ruling Left. That does not automatically translate into long-term support for the UDF. Increasingly, people view both fronts as two sides of the same coin. That perception is growing, and it creates space for the BJP to emerge as a credible alternative.
Do you expect the same voting pattern in the assembly elections as well?
The BJP expects a significant surge in the assembly elections. However, we won’t reveal our strategy at this stage.
In the local body elections, the BJP expected major gains from Ernakulam to Thiruvananthapuram, where Sabarimala was seen as a key factor. Did that work out?
We never treated Sabarimala as a political tool. BJP’s stand has always been to support believers and uphold faith and divinity, without expecting votes in return. On issues related to Sabarimala or any faith, we will stand firmly with believers. We are not against churches or mosques, but we will oppose any action that disturbs Hindu believers. Development remains our core agenda. In Alappuzha, we won eight grama panchayats considered communist strongholds, and we expect a shift in the assembly elections.
When it comes to alliances, C K Janu left the NDA and the BDJS expressed dissatisfaction. How do you view this?
BDJS continues to attend NDA meetings and has not officially expressed dissatisfaction. If there are concerns, their leadership will articulate them clearly. As for C K Janu, she may have felt that BJP’s growth would take longer than expected. Before leaving, she did not convey any such concerns to us. After her exit, I have not spoken to her.
Your absence from BJP’s victory celebration in Thiruvananthapuram corporation became news. Why weren’t you present?
At the time, I was in Alappuzha where BJP supporters and others were attacked following our victory in two wards. It was Christmas Day, and I chose to stand with those affected and spend time with my family and friends. I also publicly congratulated the mayor and the deputy mayor and shared suggestions for the corporation.
Could Thiruvananthapuram have had a woman mayor?
The party assessed that (V V) Rajesh, with his long organisational experience, was best suited to handle the corporation at this stage. (R) Sreelekha is a capable leader, but the decision was based on experience and organisational needs.
Is offering leadership posts in such situations the right approach?
There was no question of offering posts. The party evaluated merit and experience and took a collective decision.
In the recent local body elections, Christian communities that had been open to the BJP largely supported the Congress. How do you assess this?
Many voters doubted BJP’s chances and voted tactically to defeat the ruling Left. This does not necessarily reflect trends in the assembly or parliamentary elections.
If the aim is to defeat the chief minister, won’t the Congress always be the first choice?
That perception will change in the assembly elections. We will expose understandings between the Congress and the Left at various levels. People increasingly want a double-engine government to accelerate development through central institutions and funding, which neither front has delivered effectively.
Who is being projected as BJP’s chief ministerial candidate?
The BJP does not project CM candidates. The party contests elections based on its development agenda. We are confident of winning a significant number of seats and clarity will emerge in due course.
Can you indicate districts where the BJP expects strong performances?
There is no need to reveal that now.
Has Sandeep Varier’s defection to the Congress affected the BJP?
Political equations work both ways. Several prominent leaders have left the Congress to join the BJP. These developments speak for themselves.
Have leaders like Anil Antony and Padmaja Venugopal contributed to BJP’s growth?
Yes. They bring political experience shaped by their families’ long public service, which was not adequately recognised in their previous party.
Is Poonjar one of the 30 seats that you spoke of?
Yes, Poonjar is among them. We also expect gains in Kanjirappally, Tiruvalla, and are working towards winning Pala.
Vellappally Natesan has faced criticism over alleged communal remarks. Why hasn’t the BJP openly defended him?
Vellappally is a community leader, not a political leader. Like other community heads, he speaks for his community’s concerns. Political decisions, however, are taken by political parties.
Vellappally raised concerns about disparity in educational institutions among communities. Is this a valid issue?
Even leaders from the Muslim community have said such concerns should be addressed through dialogue. Our position on the issue is clear.
Don’t such statements risk dividing society?
Polarisation is the objective of both the LDF and the UDF. I see these controversies as part of that larger attempt.
Did you ever regret joining politics, given the impact on your family life?
I never regretted joining politics. I do regret missing parts of my son’s childhood, but I believe my time was spent working for people who needed protection and support.
TNIE team: Kiran Prakash, Cithara Paul, Rajesh Abraham, Rajesh Ravi, Manoj Viswanathan, Anna Jose, Harikrishna B, T P Sooraj (photos) Pranav V P (video)