Hardened criminals turn to politics for perpetuation and protection. But they often live in the present and do not have a succession plan -- like most politicians do -- and generally their empires are either snatched by a confidant or demolished by the state. Organised crime gangs in Uttar Pradesh have been no exception and that is why new godfathers keep emerging every few years.
In the 1960s, the term 'organised crime' was almost unheard of in UP, with people learning about it from films of that era. While Hindi films talked about agitated port or factory workers in Mumbai taking to violence, Hollywood films talked about the Italian Cosa Nostra and its branches commonly known as the mafia operating in the US and elsewhere. The idea of exploited, aggrieved and persecuted poor workers taking revenge against cruel landlords or factory owners had great appeal. Many police and law experts believe that justifying such revenge violence could have been the trigger behind the rise of criminals in such an environment.
Lucknow residents recall the earliest big name in crime being a railway and construction contractor who had a running feud with rival contractors. Such criminals did not carry the tag of political protection since they were perhaps simply fund-raisers for all parties. In subsequent years, as political power moved from one party to many others, politicians found it convenient to patronise organised criminals for the specific purpose of booth capturing or bulk voting by snatching ballot papers.
Through the 1970s and 1980s, booth capturing by hired goons used to be a common feature of almost all elections in UP and journalists who worked in those years remember how they, along with employees on election duty and even police personnel, used to run for their lives when booth capturing was unleashed in some districts with impunity. Needless to say, the politicians and parties who won with the help of such tactics obliged the leaders of these goons with political posts.
Political eminence
Another category of criminals that emerged in those years was via the route of trade unions. Such elements infiltrated into genuine trade union activities and served the purpose of either the factory management, police, or rival trade unions. Most of them later became extortionists, and there are many who rose to acquire political eminence in Kanpur, Lucknow and Ghaziabad where most industrial activity was concentrated.
It was the advent of caste-based politics in the late 1980s that opened the doors to many aspiring criminals to cosy up to politicians, offering their services as and when required. Auto-lifting gangs, land-grabbers and extortionists were among them, but those having the gunpower and manpower to forcibly acquire contracts in the railways, irrigation and public works departments were in the top category. Daring shootouts in railway offices in Lucknow and other cities were fairly common in those years and in most cases, no one was convicted.
The 1990s gave a proper shape and contour to organised crime and the term 'mafia' gained currency. Leaders of most organised crime gangs had by then acquired legitimacy by winning elections, even becoming ministers, and switching parties when required. When questioned, the common refrain of political parties in those times was that the "verdict of the people" (meaning an election victory) was far greater than the "verdict of the law" (prosecution by police, courts etc.) Booth-capturing and kidnapping experts becoming legislators and ministers was fairly common.
In the last two decades, however, fact and fiction about the badlands of UP have taken a larger-than-life dimension thanks to many films and television series. The depiction of corrupt politicians, wayward police officers and avengers-turned gangsters have dominated themes related to UP. Films like Sahar, Bullett Raja, Omkara, Kaminey, Shagird, Ishqiya and TV series such as Mirzapur, Bhaukaal, Sitapur: The City of Gangsters are among the many which led to the forming of a certain image of UP.
While rapid industrialisation in the National Capital Region (NCR) including Noida and Ghaziabad led to the mushrooming of gangs in these districts, the continuing backwardness and poverty were among the reasons for the emergence of criminals from eastern UP. The clout of such gangsters came into play especially during political instability when taking their support was a compulsion for parties.
There had been isolated displays of resistance by Chief Ministers such as Rajnath Singh and Akhilesh Yadav. While in 2001, Rajnath Singh dismissed Amar Mani Tripathi when reports came that the latter's house was used to keep a kidnapped man in custody, Akhilesh resisted the entry of DP Yadav to his party in 2012 and that of Mukhtar Ansari in 2016. Unfortunately, these incidents serve only to highlight the political compulsions in a state where elections could not be won without the support of tainted leaders.
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Stable government
It is true that since 2017, there is a stable government in the state which does not need the support of small parties or legislators who can bring numbers with them to provide stability. In parallel, it is also true that no new gangster has emerged in these six years in any part of the state, even as the campaign against organised crime continues. The present government has also been making efforts to draw industrial investment into the state so that more employment can be generated. Examples of Karnataka, Tamil Nadu, Andhra Pradesh or Gujarat suggest that industrial development may lead to emergence of a different kind of crime related more to pilferage, settlement of workers' issues, supply or transport contracts and so on.
Continuing its offensive against organised crime, the UP Police is reported to have prepared a list of criminals across the state against whom a concerted crackdown is to be launched. The Chief Minister has also been repeating his resolve to rid the state of gangsters. The list includes gangsters involved in illicit liquor, land grabbing in forests, cattle smuggling and illegal mining. Many of them have built a gang comprising members of one particular caste or section of society. Some of them enjoyed political patronage but their patrons are now unlikely to protect them.
Gaining eminence and wealth through criminal means is attractive and helps in making friends in politics. It will take more than sustained campaigns to send a message that crime, ultimately, does not pay.
(Ratan Mani Lal is a senior journalist based in Uttar Pradesh.)