In conversation with The New Indian Express’ Amisha Mohan, Dr. Abhishek Srivastava, Assistant Professor of Diplomacy and Disarmament, School of International Studies, JNU, discussed ASEAN’s centrality, the need for member states to prioritize the group’s collective interests, and more.
As ASEAN grapples with rising geopolitical and climate challenges, Dr. Srivastava outlines the bloc’s strategic dilemmas and India’s evolving role in the region.
Excerpts:
Q: With China’s growing assertiveness in the South China Sea challenging ASEAN’s unity and sovereignty, how realistic is the bloc’s claim of centrality today?
The centrality of ASEAN in the region has been diminishing—if not on all fronts, certainly in security and collective approaches to regional issues. In March 2021 and April 2023, Chinese vessels faced off with the Filipinos at Whitsun Reef and Second Thomas Shoal, respectively. Both incidents saw ASEAN unable to take collective action or directly confront Beijing. Cambodia and Laos routinely block strong community responses due to their economic ties with China, diluting the bloc’s unity.
Diplomatic output, such as the June 2023 statement, avoided direct criticism of China and highlighted internal divisions. Economically, ASEAN remains significant, with the RCEP trade pact operational since 2022. However, in terms of security, the rise of other organizations such as the Quad and AUKUS signals waning ASEAN influence, as members like the Philippines increasingly seek US military guarantees.
In Myanmar’s crisis since 2021, ASEAN’s limited intervention has revealed its incapacity to manage internal problems. The bloc’s consensus model and exposure to Chinese retaliation fundamentally restrict its ability to respond effectively.
Q: Can India help ASEAN strengthen maritime security and capacity building while staying neutral between the US and China?
India can indeed help ASEAN states strengthen maritime security and capacity building while avoiding alignment with either the US or China. In August 2025, the Indian Coast Guard conducted IMO-certified Level-I pollution response training with ASEAN officials in Chennai, and India hosted the inaugural ASEAN-India Maritime Exercise in 2023, boosting shared naval capabilities.
India’s Information Fusion Centre – Indian Ocean Region (IFC-IOR) facilitates real-time intelligence sharing with ASEAN navies. To deepen this role, India should expand joint patrols and increase the frequency and scope of maritime exercises—not only naval but also coast guard. It can also provide ASEAN members with access to Indian satellite data, navigation, and real-time coastal monitoring via platforms like India’s NAVIC satellite system and ISRO-run disaster management satellites.
Further, India can offer technology transfers and maritime surveillance tools. Accelerating infrastructure links such as the Trilateral Highway (India–Myanmar–Thailand) and the Kaladan Multimodal Transit Project will also be crucial. Offering defense exports—such as BrahMos missiles, patrol vessels, and advanced radar systems—on favorable terms, along with capacity-building fellowships, will help ASEAN members retain autonomy and strategic flexibility.
Q: The Kuala Lumpur Accord marks the most detailed attempt yet to end fighting between Thailand and Cambodia along their disputed border. US President Donald Trump co-signed a ceasefire agreement between Thailand and Cambodia at ASEAN 2025. So looking by those lens, do you think ASEAN can still serve as a neutral mediator between member states?
ASEAN remains capable of neutral mediation, as demonstrated by its role in brokering the Kuala Lumpur Accord following armed clashes on the Thailand-Cambodia border (July–August 2025). Malaysia, as ASEAN Chair, led shuttle diplomacy and secured a ceasefire, observer teams, and commitments to military drawdown—all included in the Accord.
This success was possible because both parties accepted ASEAN’s informal mediation and responded to regional and international pressure. While this approach enabled peacebuilding and compromise, internal divisions, nationalism, and the bloc’s non-interference principle continue to limit robust interventions. The lack of progress in Myanmar since 2021 and the inability to resolve South China Sea disputes highlight these constraints.
For stronger future mediation, ASEAN must enhance its institutional mechanisms and invest in confidence-building among member states.
Q: How can ASEAN seek climate finance collectively without politicizing aid?
ASEAN’s 2024–2030 Climate Finance Access and Mobilization Strategy provides a comprehensive, needs-based framework to secure climate finance while depoliticizing aid. It emphasizes project pipeline development, diversification, innovation, access facilitation, policy harmonization, capacity-building, and transparency to target region-specific risks such as floods and extreme heat.
ASEAN aims to present unified demands at global forums (e.g., COP), strengthen regional cooperation through frameworks like APAEC, and engage with diverse multilateral funds such as the Green Climate Fund and the Global Environment Facility to avoid overdependence on any single donor.
Prioritizing equitable, no-strings-attached finance and public-private partnerships will foster trust and reduce politicization. Capacity-building and parliamentary oversight will enhance autonomy and accountability. The strategy also focuses on adaptation investments in agriculture, water, and infrastructure to address shared vulnerabilities effectively—preserving ASEAN unity and maximizing its bargaining power in global climate governance.
Q: How can India leverage its partnership with ASEAN to address regional challenges while preserving its strategic autonomy?
India’s engagement with ASEAN can evolve into an exchange of ideas, where collaboration across diverse domains becomes a pathway for regional progress. In 2025, India and ASEAN strengthened their Comprehensive Strategic Partnership, focusing on economic integration, maritime security, digital innovation, and sustainable development.
India supports ASEAN’s digital transformation through fintech and e-governance initiatives, such as adapting the Unified Payments Interface (UPI) regionally. Infrastructure projects like the India–Myanmar–Thailand Trilateral Highway and the Kaladan Multimodal Transit Project enhance connectivity and trade. Defense cooperation has deepened through the sale of BrahMos missiles and joint maritime exercises.
India actively engages in ASEAN-led forums such as the East Asia Summit and ADMM-Plus, promoting a rules-based Indo-Pacific order aligned with its SAGAR doctrine. Emphasizing strategic autonomy, India balances partnerships with ASEAN while resisting bloc alignments. Initiatives like the “Space for Sustainability” program and the ASEAN-India Year of Tourism 2025 foster people-to-people ties and regional resilience—consolidating India’s role as a key, responsible partner in Southeast Asia’s geopolitical and economic landscape.
