The bogey of Hindi imposition has raised its head again. It is a genie brought out of a bottle periodically by politicians. The latest trigger has been the report of the Committee of Parliament on Official Language, headed by Home Minister Amit Shah, submitted to the President of India earlier this month. The report’s contents are not in the public domain, and the recommendations pertain primarily to the "Hindi-speaking" states. But close on the heels of the Committee’s report, Amit Shah also released the first set of Hindi textbooks for MBBS courses in Madhya Pradesh, adding to the consternation.
The Tamil Nadu government promptly passed a resolution in the state assembly against "imposition" and urged the Union government not to implement the committee's recommendations. There were similar rumblings in Kerala. Tamil Nadu and Kerala are exempt from adopting Hindi as an official language under the Official Languages Act, 1963. But language has historically been an emotive subject in the south. So the reactions did not come as a surprise.
However, one was intrigued as to why the BJP, known for its electoral savviness, would like to stir the hornet's nest at this juncture -- just over a year before the 2024 Lok Sabha elections. Besides, ripples from Tamil Nadu could travel across to neighbouring Karnataka, which will go to the polls in a few months. Narendra Modi and Amit Shah were far too astute to have missed these potential downsides. So, what might be their game plan?
Modi and Shah seldom speak in two voices. Their communication is always in sync, even if the tone and tenor are differently calibrated. However, regarding languages, the prime minister and home minister appear to be playing a calculated good cop–bad cop game.
Narendra Modi goes the extra mile to emphasise the importance of preserving and promoting regional languages. The New Education Policy reflects this thinking. Even on his trips to Tamil Nadu, he emphasises on the rich heritage of Tamil literature. He never fails to pay his tributes to great Tamizh littérateurs like Thiruvalluvar. These cannot be dismissed as lip service from someone who was himself schooled in a regional language.
Amit Shah, on his part, takes pains to reiterate that Hindi is not a competitor but a "friend" of all the other regional languages. If dissected clinically and analysed objectively, much of what he says merits consideration. But, the discourse is not carried forward and is left open-ended, leading to conjectures about its intent. Some think it is just another exercise of floating trial balloons like the Citizenship Amendment Act (CAA), National Register of Citizens (NRC) and Uniform Civil Code (UCC) to hover in the horizon and be invoked at will as a matter of political expediency. Others see this as a part of the BJP's nationalist agenda of insidiously extending the North's linguistic and cultural hegemony to the south of the Vindhyas.
However, leaving politics aside, what else can justify the push for regional languages to replace English? It has often been argued that in a knowledge economy, India has the edge over others not only because of its demographic dividend of a young, educated workforce but their proficiency in English. Loss of competitive advantage in a world dominated by commerce can be a heavy price for the idealistic cause of shedding colonial baggage. The trade-off can be worthwhile only if it makes education more accessible and meaningful. There are enough examples from Asia to Europe to Latin America where the entire education system and commercial architecture are founded on the native language. But they have been developed over the ages with a solid body of academic work in their national languages. Clearly, India has a long way to go before it can reach that inflection point.
The formula, if broken down, is simple. Language is a source of knowledge acquisition (study material), knowledge transfer (teaching) and finally, communication (transaction). The last can be solved by learning to talk in any language and, if required, take the help of translators. The first two are more difficult as they require sustained capacity building, which is expensive, time-consuming and can only be done with state support. However, if an alternative medium of education, conducting business and official transactions can bring down entry barriers and open up opportunities for larger sections of the population, then the investment will more than pay for itself. It will also lead to empowering people and dismantling Macaulian elitism.
A parallel can be drawn with a professional course like Chartered Accountancy which is now offered in Hindi. This has been a game changer where large sections of the business community conduct their trade and maintain accounts in Indian languages. However, the ultimate driver is economics. Despite years of resistance, the use of Hindi is increasing in Tamil Nadu. This is partly a function of changing demographics, with non-Tamil speakers from other parts of the country moving to Tamil Nadu for work or income-generating activities like medical tourism.
As per official statistics, the number of Tamilian students opting for Hindi in schools or enrolling for private Hindi classes is increasing exponentially. This puts them on a level playing field in the employment market. National integration has to encompass social, cultural and economic arenas. Similarly, excessive sub-nationalism can become detrimental in an interconnected world defined by hypermobility. The problem arises in imposition, which inevitably leads to pushback. In the ultimate analysis, language, like water, will find its own level. The government's job is to create a supportive ecosystem for citizens to attain their potential. The future of the next generation cannot become hostage to political upmanship.
Sandip Ghose is a current affairs commentator. He can be reached at sandip@ghosespot.com. He tweets @SandipGhose.