Why is Rahul Gandhi doing what he is doing? Why did he interview Satya Pal Malik of all people? Was it another random exercise or is there some careful thought that has gone into it? Does it have some strategic potential or is it a desperate move to get attention? These are questions that would come to anybody who is keen to understand what the Congress party in particular, and the opposition in general, is trying to assemble before the 2024 general elections.
Malik is after all a person who was on the other side until recently. Not long ago, the ruling establishment had enough confidence in him to give him a gubernatorial assignment. He must have done something right to earn their trust at that point. He must have at some level shared their worldview if not traversed on their ideological path, step by step. Why else would a regime that is known to be fastidious in its vetting process pick someone who would embarrass and challenge it at a later point?
Malik is like any political figure who changed his or her allegiances. In the Congress, too, many went over to the other side, such as Ghulam Nabi Azad, Himanta Biswa Sharma, Jyotiraditya Scindia and other prominent dozens. When they spoke about the situation within the Congress or their disagreements with Rahul Gandhi in particular, those versions of the truth, it was said, lacked a ring of credibility.
By the same logic, Malik’s statements cannot assume an extra shine of truth or credibility. Truth is not always about fact-checking but also about who speaks it, when and why. It is sometimes the context and personal history that determines truthfulness. Therefore, Malik does not automatically become more conscionable than others who shift loyalties. The only thing that may work in his favour is that he chose to move away, for whatever reason, from the circle of power, while others moved into it. He may therefore stake claim as a rebel of a higher order because he did not allow power to navigate his truth.
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But the larger question is not about how much credibility Malik’s statements carry. It is about why Rahul Gandhi took this enormous risk to have a conversation with Malik. It is difficult to imagine that he did not understand what serious questions there would be about such a move. His meeting with Malik was not like his meeting with Lalu Prasad Yadav recently, when he mixed the making of Champaran mutton curry with politics.
Lalu Yadav was a steadfast ally of the Congress party. By catching up with him, Rahul Gandhi was perhaps publicly making amendments for his rebellious streak in 2013, when he shamed his own party for an ordinance that was perceived to help the Bihar leader stay out of jail. It was about two generals putting a dish and an army together to take on the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP). Also, the two were not making upma, dosa or mushroom biryani but were dealing with red meat, which was not just flavoured with spices but cultural messages. It was about ensnaring the BJP on a number of social issues. The cooking of mutton was a rebellious act albeit with unsure political results. Nevertheless, it was an action that communicated a certain confidence.
In the Malik case, however, the signals were mixed. If one wants to credit Rahul Gandhi, one can say that he chose Malik to reiterate all that he has been struggling to inject into the mainstream public discourse—crony capitalism, Kashmir, Pulwama, minorities, hate machines, caste census, capture of institutions and mainstream media. He used Malik, rather than Malik finding a bigger platform for his discoveries and disgruntlements.
If one watches the interview closely, Rahul Gandhi leads Malik on to make certain statements. He is impatient to extract those statements of endorsement for his causes. This happens to such an extent that Malik at a point categorically says that there is such a strong undercurrent of disenchantment across the nation against the BJP that they won’t return to power in 2024. “I will give it to you in writing,” Malik says.
Rahul Gandhi was perhaps looking for an unconventional ally. Someone who had flipped from being the regime’s supporter to stating the possibility for 2024 boldly and loudly. He perhaps got Malik to say it. Any Congressman, liberal intellectual or journalist saying this may not have had the same effect as Malik saying it. It is not that things will move exactly the way Malik wished or predicted, but it creates a small hope for the Congress and the opposition. It breaks the controlled cycle of messaging in the public’s mind that this regime is powerful and indestructible. If Malik can flip and survive when the Modi regime is at the peak of its power, then he automatically becomes a catalyst and a symbol of hope. It is about planting doubt in the minds of the people.
Malik also reassures Rahul in the conversation that he had reached the people with or without the media. He tells him that Rahul desires nothing and that is what the regime fears about him. At the beginning, Malik admits that he was brought into politics by Charan Singh. In the same breadth, he says the kisan leader desired to be prime minister by any means and at any cost. That gives Rahul Gandhi an opportunity to grandstand and distinguish himself. He asks rather naively why politicians are so desperate to grab power.
Rahul Gandhi has been doing a whole lot of things, from riding bikes and being a porter to gifting a puppy to his mother. But the question remains: is all of this a random exercise or is there a method to it? At a media conclave in Assam a few weeks ago, Rahul Gandhi said: “We do political tours, make speeches that are straightforward. That format is not effective, not useful in any way. When we do tours now, we think slightly deeper about the message that we are trying to give.” When he said this he was responding to a question on his bike tour in Ladakh. So is it a plain, prescribed strategy or is it Rahul Gandhi’s default personality we are encountering?
Sugata Srinivasaraju
Senior journalist and author of Strange Burdens: The Politics and Predicaments of Rahul Gandhi