

The Heckler & Koch MP5 submachine gun and Glock 17 pistol from his commando days still remain close-to-heart ‘buddies’ for Major A K Ravindran (retd), better known as Major Ravi. Known for his military valour, war films, and outspoken socio-political views, he comes across as a unique mix of a hardened fighter, ace storyteller and a maverick politician.
In a freewheeling, three-hour interaction at TNIE’s Kochi office, Major Ravi revisited his childhood struggles, Army days, NSG operations, the Rajiv Gandhi assassination case, his filmmaking journey, politics, and his admiration for Prime Minister Narendra Modi
Let’s start with your childhood, the making of the soldier…
As a child, I was not great at studies. I was a typical village boy. School was about freedom from the suffocation at home for me. We were brought up in a strict environment at home. At school, there was freedom. In fact, I used to hate holidays.
At my house, the atmosphere was that of a typical orthodox joint family. I was like Appu in M T Vasudevan Nair’s Nalukettu. Often, I had to sleep after having just rice porridge, as my mother had to bear the wrath of her mother-in-law. Naturally, the children feel the brunt. I never had the freedom to play freely with my cousins. I wore a vallikalasam and just hung around at home. Because of my father’s temper, my mother suppressed everything and never complained to him.
Was your father in the military?
No, my father managed the family’s farming activities while his brothers were in the military. He handled the family’s 100-odd acres of agricultural land in Pattambi (Palakkad). My childhood friends were the boys who came to look after the cows. That’s why I find it hard to relate to the disparity that Vedan (the Malayalam rapper) sings about. My friends were Krishnan, the blacksmith’s son, and Kuttappa, the son of Kunnumel Shankaran.
There was no caste or colour discrimination. My mother raised me that way. When I looked at the elders in the house, none had high education. Many had joined the Army in their early years. So I felt I too could join the Army once I completed Class 8, and I could earn a living with that salary. That was my modest ambition. My goal was simple: escape from home. I eventually left home after failing Class 9.
While my father’s brothers were in the Army, my mother’s elder brother was in the Navy. He helped his nephews join the navy. So, initially, I thought I could also join through that route. But because of family rivalries, that did not happen. So I took a train to Bombay. I had only Rs 16 in my pocket. I spent three nights at VT (Victoria Terminus) station. I sat in a corner with my small suitcase, staring into a vacuum, with no clue what lay ahead.
What happened then?
I didn’t know Hindi or English. I used to follow anyone wearing a mundu, thinking they might be Malayalis who could help me. Like a hapless dog that would look up to people for some affection. But nobody cared in those days — I’m talking about 1975. I was exhausted. And that’s when I realised what real hunger meant. For three days, I survived on robusta bananas. I was down with dysentery. Fortunately, from my suitcase, I found an address from my father’s diary: Kuttan Nair, Menon’s Mess, Koliwada. Around 11pm, I boarded a suburban train without a ticket. As luck would have it, the ticket-checker caught me and put me with a group of ticketless travellers, most of them migrant workers. I still remember asking them: “Will we get food in jail?” I was that famished.
And then I saw God in human form. A tall man in a white suit, looking like Sai Baba, extended his hand towards me. I was frail, weighing 37kg. He lifted me over a fence, hit on my back and told me to run. Trudging down a street, I bumped into a Malayali. He guided me to Menon’s Mess. At the restaurant, a relative — Kuttan Mama — was sitting at the counter. I was meeting him for the first time. When I introduced myself, he was shocked. Bursting into tears, I whimpered that I was hungry. He immediately shouted for food to be brought, though the shop was about to close. I remember the smell of sambar and fried fish. That, to date, remains the tastiest meal I have ever had.
Later, he arranged a place at a nearby chawl for me to sleep in. Soon I started working at the eatery — cleaning tables, picking up plates and, at times, manning the counter. During that time, one day, I stopped a man who was leaving without paying for the food he ate. I held back one of his gang members. Everyone rebuked me for doing so. That man stared, smiled and left. It was much later I discovered from a newspaper article that he was Karim Lala, an underworld don. Those days, Kuttan Mama would say he would send me to the Gulf once I turned 18. Sometimes I wonder — had that happened, maybe I’d have become a don more dreadful than Dawood (laughs)!
What led you to the Army?
About a month after the Karim Lala incident, an uncle of mine told me about an Army recruitment drive. I went, and surprisingly, I was the only one who matched the requirements — 52 kg weight (thanks to the mess food!), height, chest — all perfect. I was selected and joined a unit in Nashik. Over the next three years, I started studying seriously. When others would go for drinks at night, I would study in peace. I cleared Class 10, then pre-degree and later enrolled in Punjab University. I then attempted the officer test, and cleared it on my first attempt. Later, I got into the NSG — again on the first attempt.
Which operation did you get the gallantry medal for?
I have been in several operations. In fact, I could have applied for more. For medals and awards, one often has to do a lot of paperwork. I was never interested in that. Many people realised I was the one leading the NSG team involved in the hunt for Rajiv Gandhi’s killers only after the web series ‘The Hunt’ was released recently. Even some batchmates called me up to confirm if the Captain Raveendran in the series was based on me. For the Rajiv Gandhi operation, I didn’t get a medal, though it was one of the biggest and riskiest operations. I never sought one. And I have no complaints. That’s how I have lived my life.
Could you tell us about NSG operations in Kashmir?
Our base was in Manesar, about 40km from Palam airport. There are three squadrons, and one is always on alert. A team consists of 30 men and an officer. I have been part of ops in Kashmir and Punjab. Our first operation was in February 1989, when Rubaiya Sayeed was kidnapped. I had just arrived after my marriage when we got the alert to go to Kashmir. I left my wife at the military mess.
We were thrilled about the opportunity for action. Now, if you ask me to kill someone, I would think twice. But back then, I was duty-bound. We waited for three days, but we knew we wouldn’t get permission to attack. We had identified the hideout in Kupwara, but Mufti Mohammed Sayeed, who was the home minister at the time, did not allow it, saying his daughter would get hurt. It was his policy of releasing four terrorists that eventually led to the Kandahar hijacking — a chain reaction.
Once you bend in front of these terrorists, it creates more problems. Look at the US policy — they don’t talk. That’s what Modiji is doing now with surgical strikes. Now, the adversaries fear us. Earlier, we would go for diplomatic talks. In Pahalgam, Modi gave full freedom to the armed forces.
What is the most memorable operation you have been part of?
All were memorable… but the most challenging one would be the Rajiv Gandhi operation. I only realised it now. We had to stop the terrorists from consuming cyanide. One had split seconds. I had to move stealthily and grab the cyanide before they even realised what was happening.
Are the depictions in the ‘Hunt’ accurate?
The series has totally neglected one person. Radha Vinod Raju, the person who raised NIA. He was a Kochi native. He was a DIG during the CBI inquiry. He was the mastermind of the operation in terms of coordination. Moreover, there are several discrepancies in the series. Amod Kanth, one of the officers shown, had said he would sue the makers.
One scene shows you threatening LTTE tigress Nalini with rape…
No, nothing of that sort had happened. But I just let it pass. I did dial up (director) Nagesh Kukunoor. He said his father was unwell, and that he would call me back. But he has not done so.
Several militants whom you had apprehended were pardoned and released from prison…
It is not the right of Rajiv Gandhi’s wife to pardon the militants. Around 22 policemen had lost their lives. Was their wives’ opinion sought when deciding to let these militants go? Is this country a monarchy? Did they ask us? Furthermore, why did SIT not question the politicians? During this case, the order was not to interrogate any of the politicians. Why was it so? You tell me, who killed Rajiv Gandhi? I ask this question even now. I don’t think it was linked to him sending the IPKF to Sri Lanka. It was a smokescreen.
Are you hinting at an internal conspiracy?
You have to ask questions. Indira Gandhi, Sanjay Gandhi, Madhavrao Scindia, Rajesh Pilot, YSR… Why and how did the lives of these leaders end in gruesome ways? The public needs to ask these questions. These incidents seem to be something right out of the pages of a Sidney Sheldon novel. A power play seemed to be taking place.
You were once close to the Congress. Now you are with the BJP. How did that happen?
I was apolitical for a long time. I, however, couldn’t accept communism that had anti-national elements. As for the Congress, I didn’t have any problems with them. I had shared many platforms with Congress leaders. Mullappally Ramachandran had once called me to meet him. However, after I left, the meeting turned into big news. When the media asked me for a comment, I remarked that I was not happy with the Pinarayi government, and the Congress seemed to be the only alternative in the state at that time.
The media, however, presented the interpretation that I had joined Congress. I began getting calls from Delhi after the news broke. You should understand that I had been associated with RSS from my childhood. So many wondered what happened. To clarify, I am still a BJP man, but no official position now. When Rajeev Chandrasekhar became the BJP state president, I met him and told him that I am not interested in any position. But I assured him that he could count on me whenever the party needed me. Otherwise, I hate jostling on stage for visibility.
You said earlier, BJP couldn’t come to power in the state and hence the Congress was the only choice... Has the situation changed now?
Yes, but the BJP needs to do many more things here. For instance, there needs to be enhanced booth-level work. It’s a conducive climate in the state. But if you don’t play well… like the reaction in the nuns’ issue. There is no need for show offs or drama.
That said, many common people here still act foolishly. If Pinarayi announces a kit or something, they will forget everything and vote the Left again to power. The Congress is standing on loose ground. One can’t even watch the mobile because of the sleaze coming out these days…
How do you view the current Congress leadership in Kerala?
I cannot tolerate its present leadership in Delhi. In Kerala, I like the earlier leadership…. like V M Sudheeran, Mullappally Ramachandran and others. Current ones like V D Satheesan are the new generation. Shashi Tharoor is an intellectual man. He should be used in Kerala. Maybe the BJP could do that… he is ready.
Is Shashi Tharoor coming to the BJP? Have you talked to him?
No, I didn’t. But then there has been a lot of talk about it. His posturing nowadays is not in line with the Congress.
Will you be contesting in the upcoming assembly elections?
No. I won’t stand as a candidate if you ask me to do so on the eve of the election day. Now only seven months are left for the election. What the BJP should do now is that it should allocate the seats now and ask the candidates to start working there. That they won’t do. Last time, they asked me to contest from Ernakulam. I didn’t. I didn’t have any interest. What could I do in just 15 days?
How is your relation with the Delhi circles of BJP?
I don’t do anything for my benefit. If some anti-national things happen here, I alert the top leadership. That’s all. My last personal request to the Centre was permission for a clandestine mission to kill Dawood Ibrahim. Ten former commandos were willing to join me. We had a clear plan. But then the Covid struck, and the mission did not take off.
Recently, there were suggestions that the military training should be given to the RSS cadre. You run one academy — Agniveer academy. Your opinion on mandatory military training?
It’s very difficult to have such a system in this country, because we have a huge population, 140-145 crore. Agreed the same will help cultivate discipline, patriotism, etc. But we are already providing the same through NCC programmes. Many children pass out of NCC and join the army. Now the four-year Agniveer course is there. When it was first suggested, there was a lot of opposition. But take the case of my academy. Of the 580 candidates who appeared for the test, 547 made it. The problem is not that, but the intrusion of the drug mafia. It is a huge challenge.
Does the new generation have a weaker sense of patriotism?
No. But there is a small segment — not limited to any religion or caste — that is consumed by fanaticism, anti-India attitudes. I don’t know what they gain out of it. Maybe they crave attention, and think they will get noticed by making such statements. But the youth has got a lot of patriotism. On one occasion, a group of handsome students, mainly Muslim children, from Kannur and Kozhikode came up to me when they met me at the LuLu Mall and started taking pictures.
I asked them why they were here and they replied they were appearing for the NDA test the next day. So the country is undergoing a change. If someone says something, then the outburst comes: ‘Go to Pakistan’. That’s not right. If someone makes an anti-national remark, asking him to go to Pakistan is not what we should do. Instead we should try to change them.
How did 'Keerthi Chakra' happen?
I have been a film buff since childhood. I used to envy Prem Nazir sir, Sathyan Sir, Madhu sir…. When I was in the military, I used to look at the mirror and think, ‘I look good, and I can act in movies.’ Also, I was part of drama and other events. Once I came back, I started working with Priyan chettan (filmmaker Priyadarshan). He used to give me small roles. He didn’t accept that I am an actor. Then I started assisting him in ads. I started understanding the basics of the craft. I had been planning 'Keerthi Chakra' since 2000, with Biju Menon as the lead. Biju brought a producer. But it did not work out. After two years, I felt I should present this to Mohanlal. So I went to Kanhangad and narrated the story to him. Then destiny took over.
There is a poignant song on Kashmir in the film. Was it something you held in your heart?
Yes. It was based on my memories from Kashmir, my interactions with the local community. Even now, the song is played there in tourist places. They say it is Major Saab’s song. Many boat operators of Dal Lake call me often. I made Kailash Kher re-render the song as his initial take lacked pathos. Moved by my vision for the song, he eventually refused to accept remuneration. He left taking just one rupee from me.
Your views on 'Empuraan' stirred a controversy… what actually happened?
I still maintain that Lal had not watched the film before its release. The issue is over. They got publicity. Then there was a statement that I degraded her (Mallika Sukumaran’s) son’s movie. Even now, I say, technically, he did a good job. But they shouldn’t have portrayed the scene (the riot) in the beginning the way it was. It was misleading. They should have shown how it all started from the train (the Godhra train burning incident). That was what I found to be problematic.
Was Mohanlal really upset after watching the film?
Obviously. I know him well. He was targeted. I took on that attack. Everyone attacked me. And I was okay with that. Some people attract you in a special way. Take Narendra Modi. He is a non-corrupt, committed person. I will die for him. Similar is the case with Mohanlal. I am close to Mammukka as well. I was hurt when I heard he was unwell. But I keep a distance with him out of respect. I have shouted at people who criticised him too.
Are you making a film on the Galwan standoff?
I had planned such a film. But in the Malayalam industry, many producers lack commitment. I am currently working on a film titled ‘Hanara’, which is set along the Line of Control. It tells the story of an Indian soldier who becomes emotionally drawn to a girl from the Pakistani side. As the mystery unfolds, deeper themes are explored. I want to raise a question — do we really need these lines between nations?
Despite being a BJP leader, the way you talk sometimes seems detached from politics…
I am not detached, I am just talking like a human. There is no detached tone, I am always with the BJP. Now, a lot of people from probable alliance parties — especially those who may have a mind block towards the Lotus symbol — have been approaching me, asking me to take initiative for a third front formation. If I get the blessings from Amit Shah ji and the PM, I will consider that. Meanwhile, I will keep speaking my mind freely. And people will take me up in the air (referring to trolling). Then I come down and say something… then again go up in the air. That keeps happening. And I am quite okay with that by now (laughs).
(With inputs from Kiran Prakash, Rajesh Abraham, Manoj Viswanathan, S Neeraj Krishna, Krishna Kumar K E and Harikrishna.)