KOTTAYAM: Two episodes concerning the Sabarimala hill shrine have stirred Kerala politics in recent times: the controversy over the entry of women of all ages, and the gold loot case.
In both instances, the Pinarayi Vijayan-led LDF government was at the receiving end. The position taken by the Nair Service Society (NSS) proved pivotal in both cases, though seemingly paradoxical.
Despite representing only 11.9% of Kerala’s population, the NSS’s stance significantly shaped the political discourse around both incidents. In the women’s entry issue, the NSS was the first to call for peaceful protests — ‘Namajapa Ghoshayatra’ (prayer processions) — across the state.
As Sangh Parivar organisations took up protests, the subsequent Sabarimala pilgrimage season turned turbulent, marked by frequent confrontations between the ‘Achara Samrakshana Samithi’ (ritual protection council) and the police.
The political fallout proved costly for the LDF, which received a drubbing in 19 out of 20 constituencies in the 2019 Lok Sabha elections.
By 2025, the second Pinarayi government sought to recalibrate its approach by organising the Global Ayyappa Sangamam, bringing together around 3,000 delegates from across India and abroad. It was widely seen as an attempt to mend ties with Hindu community organisations.
Amid criticism that the government was engaging in a “PR drive” using public funds, the NSS made a surprising move by sending a representative to the summit. This shift came at a crucial time, as the government was embroiled in the Sabarimala gold robbery controversy.
While the opposition and other Hindu organisations came down heavily on the government, citing the involvement of CPM-linked figures in the Travancore Devaswom Board (TDB), the NSS maintained a studied silence. This was in sharp contrast to its aggressive stance in 2018.
“The political climate in the state has changed considerably,” said NSS general secretary G Sukumaran Nair. “The LDF government has realised its mistakes in the handling of women’s entry issue. Moreover, the issue is still pending before the court.”
Nair adopted a passive stance on the gold robbery issue as well. “The responsibility to bring the culprits to justice lies with the government machinery and the courts,” he said. “They have taken appropriate steps, and the process is ongoing. Therefore, there is no need for the NSS to intervene at this juncture.”
The NSS headquarters, analysts noted, appeared to have softened by 2026. Though it continues to assert its “equidistance policy”, the current posture suggests a sway to the Left. Notably, the NSS leadership has distanced itself from the Congress-led UDF, particularly after the passing of leaders such as Oommen Chandy and K M Mani.
Apart from Congress veteran Ramesh Chennithala, the organisation does not maintain strong relations with the current leadership. Its relations with Leader of Opposition V D Satheesan have been strained due to his earlier remarks on community organisations and their leaders.
Meanwhile, there are diverging views that the ‘Perunna leadership’ has lost its grip over community members. There has been a visible shift among Nairs towards the BJP, especially in the ‘Modi era’.
Apparently, a large section of the Nair community has gravitated towards the broader idea of “Hindu unity”. This was evident with local NSS leaders participating in the Sangh Parivar’s recent Hindu Ekta Sammelans across the state, with many terming it the “need of the hour”.
“The NSS’s relevance has waned because community members have developed independent political leanings,” said political observer Adv A Jayashankar. “A majority in the Nair community have leaned towards BJP. And, in certain critical situations, they take a position to thwart the Left from gaining power.”
For many in this segment, the NSS leadership’s reluctance to align with the BJP-RSS remains a source of dissatisfaction. A clear sign of evolving dynamics of community politics in the state.