At a recent meeting of the Parliamentary Standing Committee on Defence, Congress leader Rahul Gandhi alleged that institutions linked to the ruling party were being favoured in the selection of new Sainik Schools under the government’s Public-Private Partnership (PPP) model. The government, however, rejected ideological bias and defended the PPP framework as a transparent and efficient way to expand access to military-oriented education. The disagreement revived an important question: is the government expanding the Sainik School system through private participation or is it fundamentally changing the nature of the institution?
How did Sainik Schools come into being?
The history of Sainik Schools is rooted in a national security crisis. Their story begins with the aftermath of the 1962 war with China. It was widely believed that the country’s weaknesses lay not only in its defence preparedness, but also in the composition of its officer corps. Recruitment remained heavily concentrated among a relatively small social and regional elite, with students from metropolitan public schools, military families and a handful of traditional recruiting regions dominating entry into the National Defence Academy (NDA). The Sainik School system was conceived to broaden the social base of the officer corps by providing talented children from rural and middleclass backgrounds an opportunity to prepare formilitary leadership.
Even before the 1962 war, the idea had struck root. The first Sainik School was established at Satara in Maharashtra in 1961. After the war, the programme acquired renewed urgency. The Sainik Schools Society, functioning under the aegis of the Ministry of Defence (MoD), gradually established similar institutions across states. The state governments shared part of the financial responsibility. Unlike conventional schools, Sainik Schools combined academic education with military-style discipline, leadership training, physical fitness and sports. Over six decades, 33 fully government-run Sainik Schools came into existence. Together, they educate around 16,000-20,000 children and admit nearly 3,000 new students every year through the All India Sainik Schools Entrance Examination (AISSEE), conducted by the National Testing Agency.
Admission remains highly competitive. Students primarily enter in Class VI, with a smaller number admitted in Class IX against vacant seats. Since 2021, girls have been admitted in all Sainik Schools. Although annual fees typically range between Rs 1.5 lakh and Rs 2.5 lakh, state governments provide scholarships and fee reimbursements to students belonging to the economically weaker sections, Scheduled Castes, Scheduled Tribes, Other Backward Classes and wards of defence personnel.
Do Sainik Schools only produce military officers?
Public discussion often assumes that Sainik Schools exist solely to produce officers for the armed forces. That is only partly true. The schools have also produced distinguished personalities in public life. Notable alumni include General Bipin Rawat, India’s first Chief of Defence Staff ( Sainik School , Chamba); General Manoj Mukund Naravane, former Army Chief (Sainik School, Satara); Air Chief Marshal Arup Raha, former Air Force Chief (Sainik School, Purulia); and former Maharashtra Chief Minister Prithviraj Chavan, who studied at Sainik School Satara.
What triggered the recent debate?
For nearly 60 years, every Sainik School was publicly funded. That changed in the Union Budget for 2021-22. Finance minister Nirmala Sitharaman announced that the government would establish 100 additional Sainik Schools through partnerships with NGOs, private schools and state governments, which got approval of the Union cabinet a few months after. Strictly speaking, the government has not privatised the existing 33 Sainik Schools. Instead, it has created a parallel system under which existing private schools, educational trusts, NGOs and government schools can apply to become affiliated Sainik Schools. Once approved, they continue to operate their own campuses but introduce an additional curriculum emphasising discipline, leadership, physical training and military orientation under the supervision of the Sainik Schools Society. This distinction is central to the current debate.
According to the government, constructing residential campuses from scratch is expensive and time-consuming. By affiliating already functional schools that possess classrooms, hostels and sports infrastructure, the government believes it can expand the Sainik School network rapidly.
Where did the controversy begin?
Several approved institutions were allegedly run by trusts associated with the RSS ecosystem, according to Opposition leaders. They argue that the affiliation process has disproportionately benefited such organisations, raising concerns that institutions created to serve a national purpose could gradually acquire a distinct ideological orientation.
Media reports based on RTI reply claimed that of the first 40 schools that signed Memoranda of Agreement (MoA) with the Sainik Schools Society between May 2022 and December 2023, at least 62% were awarded to schools linked to the RSS and its allied organisations, BJP politicians, their political allies and friends, and other Hindu religious organisations.
Of the 40 schools, 11 are owned by BJP politicians or managed by trusts chaired by them, or belong to friends and political allies of the ruling party. Eight are managed by the RSS and its allied organisations directly. Six schools have close ties to Hindu religious organisations.
Besides, institutes run by Christians, Muslims or other religious minority organisations were excluded from the scheme to partially privatise Sainik Schools, Opposition leaders have alleged. The criticism is not only about privatisation. It also concerns whether the state is using public institutions to extend influence through private intermediaries.
What is the government’s position?
The government has firmly rejected suggestions of ideological favouritism. Defence sources maintain that the selection process under the PPP model is transparent and involves multiple layers of scrutiny, with no consideration given to political or ideological affiliation. In its pushback in 2024, a defence ministry statement said, “The scheme for new Sainik Schools is well thought out. The selection process itself is rigorous, checks and balances have been built in to ensure continuing adherence to the objectives and strong incentives are in place to provide financial support to deserving students… The political or ideological affiliation or otherwise of the applicant institution does not influence the selection process.”
How to assess the efficacy of the PPP model?
The PPP model integrates the strength of public and the private sectors to provide quality education and give students better career opportunities. The efficacy of the PPP model in its entirety can be ascertained from quantifiable outcomes in terms of Class X and XII Board results and other achievements of the New Sainik Schools, the MoD told a parliamentary panel last year.