On September 21, 2024, Sri Lankans were determined to pursue a complete political overhaul. They had survived Covid 19, a year in which the island’s economy nosedived, and the 2022 financial collapse along with massive public protests demanding an end to elite political rule. In the ninth presidential election, the winning candidate was a foregone conclusion. The public voted for the man dubbed the most trustworthy politician to rewrite the island’s political trajectory and decisively end 76 years of elite political rule. The stage was set for a different political class and ideology: Anura Kumara Dissanayake, leader of the once-revolutionary Janatha Vimukthi Peramuna (JVP) and the National People’s Power (NPP), who promised the people “a thriving nation, a beautiful life”. He campaigned heavily to fight graft, systemic governance reform, economic relief, social protection and rode the crest of a popular wave to become President.
Two years later, popularity is gradually declining with many likely to conclude that Dissanayake has delivered a ‘mixed bag’, with many promises still to be fulfilled.
Manifesto-tracking assessments recognise Dissanayake’s political pragmatism over idealism, progress in social protection and institutional transparency, but fault the delay in constitutional overhauls, reconciliation efforts and even keeping his own house in check.
A careful examination shows that public perception of Dissanayake is also beginning to change, following recent attempts to bulldoze through a constitutional amendment to increase the retirement age of judges, seen as an effort to keep the current chief justice in office for another two years. The matter has cast a pall of gloom and if there was already muttering about inefficiency and corruption, this move is drawing significant flak.
Dissanayake swept into office on several key pledges: curb corruption, act against previous corruption and political wrongdoing, expand social security, practice political austerity, and abolish the executive presidency—the latter a 30-year-long electoral pledge.
For his part, he has cut parliamentarians’ privileges, taken measures to reduce the cost of governance, scrapped luxury vehicle permit allocations for legislators, reduced Cabinet expenditure and eliminated several State-funded perks that earned him credit, actions the public holds in contrast to the opulence of the Rajapaksas, often compared to the Philippines’ Marcos family for lavish public spending. Among the most appreciated decisions is the structural relief offered through the expansion of the Aswesuma welfare scheme, raising monthly grant allocations for low-income and vulnerable families. The government has pushed through public-sector pay hikes and adjusted private-sector minimum wage targets. It also rode the popular wave, held local authorities’ elections, and took control of 265 of 339 local councils.
Making good on his pledge to revisit several controversial matters, investigations continue into the 2019 Easter Sunday attacks and some past financial irregularities.
However, in contrast to his campaign rhetoric, he has chosen to tread a pragmatic middle ground rather than attempt to shake the fragile economic foundations through a massive economic experiment. This decision does not sit well with his party’s hardcore, which calls for a swift and complete exit from the International Monetary Fund (IMF) engagement and for a complete system overhaul. Still, he has chosen to pursue the IMF formula, adhere to macroeconomic targets, complete IMF reviews and finalise debt restructuring agreements without rocking the boat. However, while campaigning, NPP leaders criticised the harsh conditions of the IMF bailout arranged under the previous administration. They promised renegotiations, but in office, are keen to avoid market instability. However, promises to drastically lower value-added tax and taxes on fuel, electricity and essential items have been affected by debt-restructuring measures, stalling major tax rollbacks.
Despite these achievements, Dissanayake and his administration are now being faulted for triggering a simmering governance crisis that could eventually result in its undoing.
The administration has played completely coy with one of its main promises: abolishing the executive presidency and transferring power back to parliament through constitutional reforms. An arch critic of the executive presidency model, he is now criticised for growing comfortable using executive powers once considered excessive.
Other government actions and anomalies are also drawing public criticism, including the disregard of corruption within government ranks, inefficiency, incapacity and political arrogance that undermine transparency and accountability in governance.
The JVP/NPP earlier promised to repeal and replace the controversial Prevention of Terrorism Act, historically used against ethnic minorities and to replace it with human-rights-compliant legislation. While arrests under the law have reduced, the proposed replacement legislation, the Protection of the State from Terrorism Act, is severely criticised as an instance of the cure being worse than the disease. Meanwhile, the government has leaned heavily towards the Online Safety Act, a flawed piece of legislation it pledged to repeal, which is now viewed as a convenient tool to curb dissent.
Dissanayake and his party drew significant political support from ethnic minorities but are now criticised by Tamil political groups for postponing long-overdue provincial council elections, last held in 2014. Critics allege the delay reflects an intent to maintain centralised power under the guise of constitutional reform.
One cannot fault the administration for choosing pragmatism over ideology, especially when attempting to emerge from financial collapse. While his election rhetoric favoured aggressive tax cuts and radical structural shifts away from austerity, Dissanayake has ensured fiscal continuity and honoured the $3-billion IMF facility and the foreign debt restructuring terms negotiated earlier.
But there is no way to avoid the growing criticism that, while pushing action against past regimes, Dissanayake has turned a blind eye to corruption within and has done little to fix inefficiency and irregularities in State procurements. Allegations are being made against NPP politicians who claim humble roots, which contrasts sharply with their present status.
The next two years will be truly decisive for Dissanayake and his government, as people watch for delivery on key promises. The year 2022 is not a distant memory. And the time may be ticking, slowly but surely.
Dilrukshi Handunnetti | Award-winning journalist and lawyer; founder and director of Colombo-based Center for Investigative Reporting
(Views are personal)
(dilrukshi@cir.lk)