Amid intense campaigning for the upcoming Assembly election, DMK deputy general secretary and former telecom minister A Raja in an interview to TNIE’s Prabhakar Tamilarasu, defended the party's welfare model and why the BJP cannot crack Tamil Nadu, among others.
Q: DMK’s key campaign agenda, besides its criticism of the BJP, is the former’s numerous welfare measures. Which schemes do you think have had the most impact?
A: All the schemes implemented in the past five years have brought about a massive transformation in the lives of ordinary people. Let me give you an example about the Kalaignar Magalir Urimai Thogai (KMUT) scheme.
Take a small village — let’s say my own village. There are about 1,600 women there. When you give each of them Rs 1,000 every month, that money doesn’t just sit with them. They spend it on vegetables, clothing, and other essentials. That money largely circulates within the village — the local provisional store, vegetable vendor, and other small businesses. Through transactions, one or two crore rupees get circulated within that local economy.
When analysts studied and pointed to a sudden boost in the rural economy, Chief Minister Stalin pointed straight back to the scheme. It has created a massive multiplier effect in the rural economy.
Q: But critics say these are just “freebie” and blame Dravidian parties for “spoiling people” with “handouts”. The DMK has promised to increase KMUT assistance to Rs 2,000 per month and Rs 8,000-coupons for women to buy home appliances of their choice. How do you respond?
A: Firstly, with the Rs 8,000 coupon scheme, we are not directly transferring cash. From an approved set of brands and appliances, you can buy whichever appliance you need, or if you have a refrigerator that is broken, you can even get it repaired. It’s a comprehensive,well thought out scheme where the family decides what they need the most.
Now, regarding the freebie criticism — I have been in public life since 1984. These welfare programmes have been running long before that. And let me ask: today, if a household has a television, is that not transformative? A TV takes a child’s awareness from the boundaries of their village to the taluk, the district, the state, the nation, and to the world. It gives women and children a window to the world. How can that be merely dismissed as a freebie?
None of our schemes are populist giveaways. Every one of them is designed to uplift the economic condition, social status, and educational awareness of marginalised communities. Whether it is the Chief Minister’s Comprehensive Health Insurance Scheme introduced by Kalaignar (late CM M Karunanidhi) or the Pudhumai Penn scholarship introduced by the present government, they are all aimed at lifting people out of poverty and giving them dignity.
Q: The DMK has framed this election as ‘Delhi vs Tamil Nadu.’ But there is criticism that the party is overplaying this narrative…
A: It is not overused. Our direct ideological opposition to the BJP is not new — it goes back to the 2019 parliamentary elections and even earlier. This is our core ideological position. For 70 years, both the DMK and the AIADMK — I include them too, although they had a diluted view of Dravidian principles — have stood for Dravidian principles.
But today, the AIADMK says Dravidian principles do not matter, which is a great historic betrayal.
BJP represents a regressive ideology — the idea that nothing should change. That the rich should stay rich, their children should remain rich. That the worker should remain a worker. That caste hierarchies should be preserved. Our ideology says the opposite: educate your children, break free, pursue any livelihood you choose. We will ensure governance, education, and institutional support. That’s the fundamental clash. Our position is that their regressive ideology must not take root here. And in that fight, the one who is succeeding is Kalaignar’s son, M.K. Stalin. This election is not just for Tamil Nadu — it is for India. It is about protecting the soul of India’s democracy.
Q: But can you really say the BJP hasn’t grown at all in Tamil Nadu?
A: Regressive ideas are growing worldwide, that’s true. But in Tamil Nadu, the BJP has not been able to gain a foothold. The reason is Periyar’s ideology is institutionalised here. People here understand that Periyar did not say ‘there is no God’ to attack the belief in God, but to protect the oppressed from being exploited in the name of God and religion.
In Tamil Nadu, a devout person will go to the temple, come out, and vote for the DMK. He will chant ‘Long live Periyar.’ The person is both a believer and a Periyarist. The person understands that Periyar’s rationalism was meant to liberate, not to take away their personal faith.
Dravidianism here is not just an idea — it is an institution. It has organisational presence in every district. The BJP cannot understand or crack the puzzle of how Periyar’s ideology coexists with temple worship in Tamil Nadu. That is the genius of the Dravidian movement.
Q: How does the DMK view the entry of a new political force – Vijay’s TVK?
A: Look, there are established ideological streams in Indian politics: the Congress tradition of Gandhi and Nehru; the constitutional vision of Ambedkar; the Left’s focus on economic liberation; and our Dravidian ideology of Periyar and Anna. Now, there is a generation of young people — 18-year-olds, first-time voters — who may not have been directly touched by any of these ideological traditions. Their parents and grandparents were, but this new generation may have drifted.
The concern is real for all ideological movements — communists, Dravidianists, everyone. We are worried that we failed to engage this generation, and we want to address that gap. Our hope is that the next generation will carry forward this ideological legacy with renewed vigour.
Q: A common criticism is that Dravidian parties talk about social justice but don’t field Dalit candidates in general constituencies.
A: I acknowledge that there is a certain logic behind that criticism, even if the question itself seems unfair. But consider this: Seethi Thandapani contested from Pudukottai. Abraham contested from a general constituency in the 1970s. The question is — when you field a Dalit candidate in a general seat, what are the realistic chances of winning?
We have to be honest. Caste is not a brick wall you can simply demolish. As Ambedkar said, caste is a ‘notion in your mind.’ When you sit next to a stranger on a bus or at a cinema, you don’t know their caste. They don’t know yours. Caste is invisible to the eye. Yet it is the most powerful force in our society. Dismantling something that has been entrenched for 2,000 years cannot happen overnight.
We have made progress, and we will continue to make more. But let no one say we are complicit in caste oppression. Our ideological foundation is built on annihilating it — it will take time, and we will keep pushing forward with every successive election.