NEW DELHI: West Bengal’s 16 seats reserved for Scheduled Tribes have turned into one of the most interesting battlegrounds. In 2006, the Left Front dominated, holding 14 of the 16 seats.
Five years later, that dominance collapsed. In 2011, the Left was reduced to 2 seats, while the Trinamool surged ahead with 13. By 2016, TMC had swept all 16.
Then came 2021. The picture changed again. TMC held on to 10 seats, but BJP broke through with 6—mostly in North Bengal. Behind this back-and-forth lies a deeper story—one that no election has yet settled.
Land, Loss & Long Memories
For decades, governments—both the state and the Union have promised change in tribal areas. The Left, during its long tenure from 1977 to 2011, pushed land reforms under Operation Barga and strengthened panchayats. Many tribal families remained landless or survived as marginal farmers. Displacement added to the crisis.
By the early 1980s, around 1.57 lakh tribals in coal belt had been uprooted by mining. Across India, around 14 lakh tribals were displaced between 1947 and 2000 due to dams, mines and industry—and Junglemahal was part of that story.
Anger did not stay quiet. In the 1970s, the Uttar Bango Tapsili Jati O Adibasi Sangathan, led by Jugal Kishore Raybir in the Dooars, mobilised tribals around demands for land rights and administrative autonomy. These demands were heard, but rarely acted upon.
Many Communities, Many Realities
There is no single “tribal vote” in Bengal. The state’s 53 lakh ST population comprises many communities, each with its concerns. Santals, the largest group, are spread across Junglemahal and parts of North Bengal. Their politics have focused on land rights, implementation of the Forest Rights Act and recognition of Santali language.
But smaller groups face a different reality. The Lodha, once labelled a “criminal tribe” under colonial rule, still struggle with stigma. The Birhor, a semi-nomadic community, and the tiny Toto population near the Bhutan border fight for basic survival, often outside the focus of mainstream politics.
Tensions also exist within these communities. One major flashpoint is the issue of fake ST certificates. Sections of Santals and others accuse Kurmi and Mahato groups of entering ST lists, leading to protests in parts of Junglemahal. And it is reshaping local politics.
BJP’s Entry, TMC’s Defence
The BJP’s gains in 2021 did not happen overnight. Its strategy worked on two levels. First, it pushed an ideological line through the Sangh Parivar, projecting Adivasis as “Vanvasis”—forest-dwelling Hindus whose traditions are linked to Hinduism.
In the Dooars, where a section of tribals are Christian, this narrative also targetted missionary influence. Second, the BJP positioned itself as an alternative in regions where people felt left out by both the Left and TMC. Years of groundwork by affiliated outfits, running schools, hostels and health camps. helped build that base.
TMC’s pitch centred on Bengali identity. The ‘Ma-Mati-Manush’ slogan aimed to cut across caste and tribal lines by framing politics as a larger regional struggle.
Development Gap
Behind the electoral arithmetic lies a more fundamental problem. West Bengal’s per capita net state domestic product stands at around Rs 1.4 lakh. In ST-heavy Purulia and Jalpaiguri, the figure falls to roughly Rs 85,000-Rs 92,000.