More than a decade after the Gujarat riots of 2002, Indian Muslims and a large number of Hindus disapprove of Narendra Modi and his government’s perhaps intentional failure in guiding the state law and order machinery to stop the killings. However, it is sometimes essential to counter public sentiment when it runs counter to public interest. Precisely, this is what Jamiat Ulama-e-Hind leader Maulana Mahmood Madani did by acknowledging in a television interview that Gujarati Muslims voted for Modi in recent elections and they may be in a better position than their counterparts are in other states, notably in West Bengal where they are economically worse off, or in Maharashtra where more Muslims are in prisons than in Gujarat.
During the interview, Madani stated: “in several assembly segments, Muslims voted for Modi. There is a perceptible change of heart and circumstances are different now. I agree the times are changing. Muslims in Gujarat are economically better off than in several states which have so-called secular governments.” Madani’s influence is limited among Muslims, but his statement is likely to kick-start a debate on the relevance of the prevailing attitudes towards Modi. It will also influence thousands of Islamic clerics across India who owe their allegiance to the Madani-controlled Darul Uloom Deoband, the second largest seminary in the world.
Madani was immediately criticised by Muslim leaders and academics. Ghulam A. Anjum of Jamia Hamdard University reacted: “Madani considers himself a representative of the Muslims… but I don’t accept such a discourse about Modi.” Khalid Rashid Firangimahli of the All India Muslim Personal Law Board said: “It is unfortunate that some Muslim leaders are trying to create hype for Modi by giving absurd statements. We don’t want development at the cost of the murder of Muslims.” Maulvi Adil Siddiqui of the Darul Uloom Deoband remarked, “It is incorrect that the perception of the community is changing towards (Modi).” These sentiments reflect the prevailing view among Muslims. But if Madani is not a representative of Muslims, it is equally correct to argue that none of his critics can claim to represent Muslims.
At this juncture in Indian polity, only economic progress can bring about a tangible change in the life of Muslims, who need to begin a rapprochement towards Modi. Such a rapprochement has already been initiated by Muslims in Gujarat. In 2011, noted Islamic cleric Maulana Ghulam Mohammed Vastanvi courted storm by lauding Narendra Modi’s development policies in Gujarat that benefit Muslims and Hindus alike. Some Muslim leaders have also joined the Modi-led Bharatiya Janata Party in Gujarat. Muslims who criticise Madani should not forget that Gujarati Muslims understand Modi better for his politics. Critics who accuse Madani of seeking a quid pro quo should Narendra Modi become the prime minister must know that Madani’s Jamiat Ulama-e-Hind is a nationalist organization and his response on Modi is in a framework of economic nationalism.
Muslims must reject such politics that benefits a tiny section of Muslims, and not the rickshaw pullers, labourers or mechanics who need industrial training institutes to educate their children. The uplift of Muslims can only be achieved if pro-development politicians are voted to power and enough economic opportunities are created for everyone. Madani’s statement on Modi offers an opportunity for Muslims to view the country’s politics in the light of an economic agenda.
In the past, Congress has sought to win Muslim votes at election times. Such attempts were seen as appeasement of Muslims, seasonal in nature and condemned by rival politicians. Muslim voters have seen through such designs, recognizing that Congress and others seek them for political ends. From the 1960s through the ’80s, Congress was instrumental in fomenting Hindu-Muslim riots to win elections. This politics turned upside down in mid-1980s when Rajiv Gandhi surrendered before Muslim fundamentalists in the Shah Bano controversy, thereby unleashing Hindutva forces and causing a serious damage to the secular character of Indian republic. And not long ago Congress leader Salman Khurshid demanded separate quota for Muslims in jobs, much like Muhammad Ali Jinnah demanded a separate territory for Muslims before 1947. This separatist politics of Congress must be stopped for the following reason: no government in the world can provide jobs to its entire people, who should rather be empowered through a robust development policy that creates jobs for all, whether Muslims, Hindus or Christians.
As television networks enlighten common Muslims about the workings of Indian democracy, a new Muslim leadership is also emerging. This leadership is evolving in a nationalistic framework, which can be seen in the inclusive messages of the Peace Party in Uttar Pradesh or the United Democratic Front in Assam. This change reflects inclusiveness of Indian democracy. This trend can also be seen in Jamaat-e-Islami’s internal debates. Although primarily a religious party, Jaamat-e-Islami leaders have after decades of discussions come round to accepting Indian democracy as ultimately in the interest of Muslims. Now as India sees prosperity, Muslims in Gujarat, Bihar and elsewhere are realising the benefits of development. Madani’s statement might be criticised by some Muslim leaders and human rights activists still rightly angry about the Gujarat riots, but it essentially reflects ordinary Muslims’ confidence in Indian democracy and their growing economic prospects. Narendra Modi, on his part, needs to undertake a series of measures to win the trust of Muslims and all Indians. However, these measures should be for strengthening the rule of law and must not be aimed at appeasing Muslims. A Modi-led BJP must stand for the following: independence of Indian judiciary, autonomy to police departments, zero tolerance to corruption in bureaucracy and ministries, transparency in political party’s finances, and a robust development agenda that builds an array of universities and creates economic prospects for every Indian. Along with democracy, building economic prosperity is the only path to progress for Indian Muslims, as Modi’s Gujarat demonstrates.
Tufail Ahmad is Director of South Asia Studies Project at the Middle East Media Research Institute, Washington DC