The honeymoon period of the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) government in Delhi has drawn to a close as it completes six months in office this August. The saffron party formed government in the capital after a gap of 27 years, riding on a wave of anti-incumbency against the Aam Aadmi Party (AAP), which held its sway for a decade. The BJP’s campaign was built on ambitious promises to overhaul Delhi’s crumbling infrastructure, restore faith in public services, and deliver the kind of large-scale development that the capital has long demanded.
BJP leaders spoke of nothing short of a transformation — cleaner air, faster buses, better hospitals, and a capital city that would finally match its global aspirations. Half a year later, however, the results are mixed at best. From tackling pollution and pushing for electric mobility to addressing water shortage, health infrastructure gaps, and the crisis of public transport, its performance has been under close scrutiny.
However, the city still gasps under pollution, hospitals remain understaffed, and the much-hyped electric mobility drive struggles with delays. The new dispensation finds itself not only in the shadow of AAP’s legacy but also under pressure to prove that its promises were not just another round of slogans.
Capital’s bus fleet shrinks as EV policy stuck in limbo
Over the past eighteen months, Delhi has seen a significant decline in its CNG bus fleet, with over 2,400 buses being decommissioned—including 553 from DIMTS and 452 from the DTC just last week—due to expired permits and ageing infrastructure. Another 1,700 CNG buses are expected to be phased out by March 2026, as their operational permission lapses.
This reduction has brought the total number of running CNG buses down to just 2,920 — less than half of what was on the roads at the start of 2024. Meanwhile, the overall bus fleet has shrunk from approximately 8,240 in January 2024 to around 5,835 as of July 2025.
Although Delhi is pushing for electrification, the induction of electric buses has yet to bridge the widening gap. While the BJP government has committed to adding a significant number of electric buses to DTC’s fleet, their rollout is too slow to match the decommissioning rate of older CNG units — leaving commuters grappling with long waits, overcrowded buses, and frequent cancellations.
According to government projections, Delhi needs roughly 11,000 buses to sustain a daily passenger demand of over 4.5 million. However, as of mid-2025, that demand remains unmet, contributing to mounting service challenges. “The previous AAP and the present BJP governments have failed to revive the collapsed public transport system in Delhi. The ridership and service routes have declined by more than 40 per cent from Sheila Dixit’s tenure,” said Congress leader and former Transport Minister Haroon Yusuf.
Besides, the rollout of Delhi’s much-anticipated Electric Vehicle Policy 2.0 has been repeatedly delayed; its implementation has been repeatedly delayed, prompting the government to extend the existing EV policy multiple times to avoid policy gaps. Launched in August 2020, the original policy expired in August 2023, and since then it has been extended several times till March 31, 2026, or until the new policy comes into effect.
To oversee the development of the new framework, ministerial committees have been established, chaired respectively by the Home Minister and the PWD Minister, with all members of the CM’s cabinet participating. The aim is to draft a transparent, socially inclusive EV 2.0 policy through consultations with environmental experts, industry representatives, and academicians.
Meanwhile, subsidies under the older EV scheme have not been distributed in a timely manner. Government data indicates that EV buyers remain owed approximately Rs 48.3 crore in promised incentives. This backlog emerged largely due to disruptions in cabinet activity following the arrest of former CM Arvind Kejriwal, which stalled extensions and delayed formal approvals for continuing the older policy.
Complications around Aadhaar-linked mobile verification and documentation further compounded delays, with officials reporting that many beneficiaries could not claim subsidies as they had not completed these procedural requirements.
As of mid-2025, the government continues to deliberate on finalising EV Policy 2.0. It remains under active review, with fresh policy drafts under cabinet consideration and awaiting broader stakeholder engagement before implementation proceeds.
Ayushman Bharat finds few takers
The rollout of Ayushman Bharat in Delhi marked a significant step towards making healthcare more inclusive, offering financial protection to families who otherwise struggle with medical expenses. The initiative is rightly praised for bridging affordability gaps and reducing the out-of-pocket burden on patients. Yet, despite its promise, the programme continues to face hurdles in implementation.
Corporate hospitals, which possess the advanced infrastructure and specialised facilities that could elevate the scheme’s reach, have largely resisted participation. Their reluctance stems from concerns over low package rates and delayed reimbursements, leaving beneficiaries dependent on the already overburdened public sector, where shortages of doctors, beds, and critical equipment remain a persistent challenge.
The healthcare bodies have urged the government to include a clause for 1 per cent interest on bills that remain unpaid beyond 30 days. According to them, the demand is aimed at ensuring accountability among officials responsible for processing reimbursements. “If the government assures payments within a month, mid-size hospitals can consider joining. But for larger hospitals, the current rates are simply not viable. If payments are delayed, a 1 per cent interest must be added to compel timely disbursement and maintain pressure on officials,” said Dr Girdhar J Gyani, Director General of the Association of Healthcare Providers of India (AHPI).
No progress on delivering key women-centric promises
The Rekha Gupta-led BJP government completed six months in office on August 20. When it came to power, the government promised major schemes aimed at empowering women and easing the burden of household expenses.
However, as half a year has passed, two of the most publicised promises — the Mahila Samman Yojana (₹2,500 monthly cash support for women) and subsidised LPG cylinders (including free refills during Holi and Diwali) remain unfulfilled.
These promises were central to the BJP’s campaign before the Delhi elections, where the party ended AAP’s decade-long hold on the capital. The delay in implementation is now raising questions about delivery, planning, and political intent.
Mahila Samman Yojana: Approved, but yet to see daylight
The Mahila Samman Yojana was one of the BJP’s flagship commitments. Under this scheme, women aged between 21 and 60 years who are not income tax payers or recipients of other government pensions were to receive `2,500 monthly in their bank accounts. On March 8—International Women’s Day—Rekha Gupta’s Cabinet formally approved the scheme. It was a highly publicised moment, with the government reiterating that it was committed to women’s welfare.
However, six months later, not a single rupee has reached any beneficiary. No portal for registration has been launched, and the verification process for eligible women has not begun either.
The government initially claimed that the funds would start flowing from March 8 itself but quickly backtracked, saying more groundwork was needed even when Rs 5,100 crore was allocated for it. A special committee headed by the CM was set up to oversee the implementation.
Subsidised cylinders: Another failed assurance
Alongside direct cash support, the BJP government had also promised a huge relief for homemakers — LPG cylinders at Rs 500 and one free cylinder each during Holi and Diwali. This scheme was seen as a way to tackle rising cooking gas prices and was widely welcomed, especially by low- and middle-income households.
But despite Holi coming and going in March, and with Diwali just a few months away, there has been no sign of implementation. Neither subsidised nor free cylinders have been provided, nor has any rollout plan been made public.
In March, the Aam Aadmi Party (AAP), now in the opposition, staged protests demanding answers. They claimed that women had been misled and were waiting in vain for the benefits that were promised to them during the election campaign.
Many women in Delhi who had counted on the promised support are now feeling disappointed. In various parts of the capital—from outer Delhi to resettlement colonies and JJ clusters—women say they are struggling with rising costs and had hoped the cash transfers and LPG relief would ease some of their burdens.
“I had planned to use the Rs 2,500 for my medicines and my son’s school fees,” says Shanti Devi, a 49-year-old widow living in NortheastDelhi. “We voted for BJP because they said this help would come quickly. But now, we hear nothing.”
Local women’s groups have also started questioning the government’s silence. Some have submitted memorandums to MLAs demanding a clear timeline.
Opposition leaders have been quick to target the Rekha Gupta government over the delays. AAP leader Atishi accused the BJP of “misleading the people of Delhi” with fake guarantees.
In response to the criticism, the Delhi government has said that the delay is due to the need for proper planning and verification.
Old civic woes resurfaces
Six months after taking charge in Delhi, the BJP government finds itself facing sharp criticism from residents over the state of civic infrastructure and public services. Despite promises of efficient governance and a “four-engine” model of development, the city has been marred by familiar problems of waterlogging, broken roads, power outages, and disruptive demolition drives that have upended the lives of thousands.
The recent spell of heavy rain once again exposed the capital’s poor drainage system. Key stretches such as Connaught Place, ITO and hospital complexes like LNJP and RML were inundated within minutes of the downpour, bringing traffic to a standstill and raising questions over the government’s preparedness. Authorities claimed that pumps and desilting measures ensured water was cleared in half an hour, but commuters and patients navigating knee-deep water told a different story.
The repeated flooding of hospitals not only disrupted medical services but also pointed to systemic neglect, given that pre-monsoon desilting was announced with much fanfare earlier this year.
The poor condition of Delhi’s roads has compounded the situation. Potholes and broken stretches across localities such as Model Town, Punjabi Bagh and Paharganj have made commuting hazardous, particularly during the monsoon. The government had launched a large pothole-repair campaign in June, but much of that work has already been undone. Crumbling surfaces and open drains remain a common sight, reflecting the short shelf life of repair works and the lack of accountability in contracts. Accidents and traffic snarls linked to road damage have only increased, undercutting official claims of improvement.
Residents have also been troubled by frequent power cuts, something the capital had largely been free from for the past decade. Several localities have reported unscheduled outages through the summer, at times lasting hours. Officials have insisted that these were routine maintenance disruptions and highlighted investments in transmission capacity. However, households and small businesses, especially in parts of West and Outer Delhi, have struggled with interruptions at peak demand hours. For a city that had prided itself on round-the-clock electricity, the lapses have been jarring and have drawn attention to gaps in distribution infrastructure.
Perhaps the most disruptive moves of the past few months have been the large-scale slum demolitions carried out under the “Jahan Jhuggi, Wahan Makan” scheme. While the government says it has allotted flats to a few hundred families and earmarked hundreds of crores for development, thousands more have been left stranded after their homes were razed in areas like Wazirpur, Jangpura and along the Barapullah drain.
For many, the promised rehabilitation sites are in distant resettlement colonies such as Narela, lacking proper schools, hospitals and transport. Families with school-going children and daily-wage earners have been forced to either move far from their places of work or fend for themselves in makeshift shelters, underscoring the human cost of the bulldozer drives. Linked to this has been the aggressive anti-encroachment campaign targeting clusters along drains and public land.
Officials have justified the operations as necessary for widening roads and preventing floods, but the lack of prior notice and adequate alternative arrangements has deepened resentment. Small shopkeepers, street vendors and informal workers who form the backbone of local economies have been among the worst hit, as bulldozers cleared long-established structures in a matter of hours.
No major change in education department beyond Free Edu Bill
Delhi’s Education Department is facing criticism from within the system for being heavy on symbolism and light on substance. Principals and teachers say day-to-day functioning of schools has been reduced to ceremonial directives, while critical matters remain stuck.
Optics over academics
Schools report being burdened with additional tasks such as daily cleanliness drives where they must weigh collected garbage and upload reports or identify external sites for cleaning. Students are made to fill out Google forms to “show” participation. Tree plantation drives are mandated even in campuses with no space, while the Har Ghar Tiranga campaign sent schools just a handful of flags to distribute. “Earlier, academics would still get about 20% of space, but now it’s almost negligible,” a principal said, requesting anonymity. “Every day there is some seminar, some symbolic exercise — teaching is the last priority.”
Programmes without purpose
The department’s new flagship initiatives have also failed to inspire confidence. NEEV workshops leave even resource persons unsure of the agenda, while the Rashtrabhakti programme is widely described as a waste of time. The much-publicised CM Shri Schools are essentially old schools with new names — first Pratibha, then SoSE, and now CM Shri.
Dysfunctional systems
More worryingly, important administrative work is stuck. Cases of disciplinary action, promotions, holidays for teachers, or even requests for essential budgets are pending because staff have not been trained on how to use the newly introduced e-office system. The portal, meant to replace physical files, has reportedly been dysfunctional for two months.
This has left schools without clarity or timely approvals on critical issues. “From maintenance to uniforms, budgets are pending. Teachers don’t know how to process files on the new system, and no training has been given. Everything is stalled,” one school head explained. Teachers also allege being compelled to attend political rallies, with principals asked to issue show-cause notices if they fail to participate.
Lone highlight
Beyond the highly publicised Free Education Bill, stakeholders say there has been no substantial reform in the education department in the past six months. The rest, they argue, has been limited to repackaging old schemes and burdening schools with exercises that have little to do with teaching and learning.