The Congress government in Karnataka will complete three years in office on May 20. The celebrations marking the milestone are being held a day early in Tumakuru, to put the spotlight on the government’s performance and assert Chief Minister Siddaramaiah’s leadership.
Congress’ internal politics outshone the government’s performance, especially over the last year. The failure to end the uncertainty over the leadership issue weighed heavily. It even showed the CM in a precarious position despite the ruling party enjoying an absolute majority in the 224-member state assembly.
Karnataka’s longest-serving CM, who also holds the record of presenting the highest number of state budgets, looked like a shadow of his former self. Neither the CM nor his party leaders could speak unambiguously on the leadership issue, which hangs like the sword of Damocles.
However, the latest developments in the Grand Old Party over the selection of the chief minister in Kerala appear to have bolstered Siddaramaiah’s position vis-à-vis the party’s central leaders. The central leadership was said to be keen on rewarding AICC General Secretary (Organisation) KC Venugopal with the top post in the state. But heeding to the local leaders’ demands, it appointed VD Satheesan as CM. Local factors won over equations in the high command. Senior party leaders in Karnataka believe that the situation here is somewhat similar to that of the neighbouring state.
The Kerala exercise also showed that even if the party brass is contemplating making changes, it is unlikely to be a smooth operation. It is a different story if it is Siddaramaiah’s voluntary decision to relinquish the post.
However, given all the indications, he seems to be in no mood for it. And, by often stating that he would abide by the high command’s diktat, the CM has lobbed the ball in their court. Unseating a CM could be more difficult than appointing one, as was in the case of Kerala or, for that matter, in Karnataka in May 2023.
The manner in which the high command handled the post-election developments in Kerala also made it clear that crucial issues like leadership cannot be resolved in smaller coteries, without holding wider consultations among senior leaders, especially those who matter most to the party. Strong local leaders may not meekly accept whatever the central leadership decides, and the central leadership is averse to taking risks in states where it is in power.
While the uncertainty is likely to linger on, resolution seems to be a long drawn-out process. It is unclear whether Deputy CM DK Shivakumar was promised the CM post during the second half of the government’s five-year tenure. Shivakumar, along with Siddaramaiah, played a key role in the party’s 2023 win. In fact, he is credited with turning around the party’s fortunes after taking over as the state Congress president in 2020. A section of senior leaders in the state is of the view that the high command had assured him the top post and he should be made CM.
The party’s failure to end the leadership tussle has taken a toll on the government’s image and administration. As the government reaches the three-year milestone, the implementation of the five guarantee schemes remains its major achievement, even as it faced serious allegations of corruption, unemployment and infrastructure failing to meet the growing demand. It has not made appointments to all state boards and corporations, and has failed to conduct urban local body elections. The government is dragging its feet on holding polls for five corporations in the Greater Bengaluru Authority (GBA), despite directions from the Supreme Court.
The Siddaramaiah government is also accused of continuing its policy of minority appeasement, a charge the government vehemently denies. Its latest decision to withdraw the 2022 government order on school uniforms, which restricted religious attire such as hijab, raised many eyebrows. The government’s explanation that it was done in view of the April 24 incident in which students writing the Common Entrance Test (CET) were asked to remove their ‘janivara’ (sacred thread) is hardly plausible.
It is seen as an attempt by the government to placate the minority community, which sent a clear message in the recent Davanagere South Assembly bypoll that the Congress cannot take the community support for granted. The split among minority voters gave jitters to the ruling party, which won the seat with a narrow margin of 5,708 votes. The SDPI candidate secured over 18,000 votes.
It is also viewed as Siddaramaiah’s efforts to strengthen his core support base, AHINDA, a coalition of minorities, backward classes, and Dalits. According to party insiders, the hijab issue was not discussed in detail at the party forum before withdrawing the 2022 order. Prior to this, the government approved a Rs 600 crore action plan for the development of minority-dominated areas in city corporations and also took a decision on implementing internal reservation among the Scheduled Castes. On its part, the opposition BJP is likely to use the latest issue to sharpen its criticism of Siddaramaiah.
While Congress-BJP politics continues, now that elections to five states are over and the leadership issue in Kerala is resolved, will the Congress high command turn to Karnataka to end the internal tussles or let it take its own course?