As the 2026 assembly elections loom, political theatre across India’s southern and eastern states is becoming more elaborate, more personalised, and, at times, downright theatrical. From the kitchens of Hooghly to the temple ghats of Jhargram, the high-stakes contests in West Bengal, Tamil Nadu, and Kerala are being fought not just with slogans and speeches, but with gestures, optics, and the careful choreography of voter engagement.
In Bhabanipur, the political citadel of Chief Minister Mamata Banerjee, the TMC convened a closed-door organisational meeting on Sunday that reflected both confidence and caution. Party general secretary Abhishek Banerjee laid down a clear target: win Bhabanipur by more than 60,000 votes, surpassing Mamata’s previous margin. Cadres were reminded that this was no safe seat despite its reputation as a TMC stronghold. “Bhabanipur must come first in Kolkata,” he urged, stressing vigilance in every one of the constituency’s 287 polling booths.
Mamata Banerjee herself struck a note of caution, drawing lessons from history. “From now on, stay alert. Do not go home once voting is over. Keep watch on the strong rooms,” she warned, evoking memories of the 2021 Nandigram count where sudden power outages had dramatically altered the electoral outcome. The leadership also monitored the Special Intensive Revision of electoral rolls, which reportedly led to the deletion of 47,000 names, promising legal assistance to those affected.
While the organisational machinery hummed in Bhabanipur, TMC candidates across Bengal sought to connect with voters in more intimate ways. In Hooghly, candidate Partha Hazari rolled out rotis on a traditional clay oven in a local kitchen when he discovered a household struggling with cooking gas. In Birbhum, BJP MLA Anup Saha paused his campaign to shave a man’s beard at a roadside barber stall, signalling that he remained “one among the people.” Over in Jhargram, BJP candidate Rajesh Mahato joined villagers in Hari naam sankirtans and devotional chants, blending faith and politics in an effort to engage voters on the ground.
In the South, Tamil Nadu is witnessing alliances being tested, demands negotiated, and parties positioning themselves for maximum advantage.
The DMK-led Secular Progressive Alliance (SPA) has seen both cooperation and friction among its constituents. While the ruling party continues to project unity, negotiations with its allies have highlighted the delicate balancing act required to maintain cohesion.
On Sunday when the CPI(M) revealed that the DMK has offered it five seats for the upcoming polls. CPI(M) State Secretary P Shanmugam said that these seat-sharing talks have been ongoing for the past 20 days and Chief Minister M K Stalin personally joined the negotiations, underscoring the importance of retaining the Left in the alliance.
“...this is the first time the Chief Minister took part and requested us to accept the five seats offered by them,” Shanmugam told reporters. The CPI(M) had been seeking a double-digit allocation, but the DMK cited the challenges of accommodating more parties in the SPA, particularly with new allies joining the front.
After internal deliberations, the CPI(M) leadership decided to press for six seats, just one more than the DMK’s offer. Shanmugam noted that their executive committee will meet soon to take a final decision. When asked whether the party would leave the alliance if its demands were not met, he dismissed the notion outright, saying, “Why are you asking on assumption? The Marxist Communist Party will not take any such decision.”
Meanwhile, the political landscape has also been shaken by the exit of the Tamilaga Vazhvurimai Katchi (TaVK) from the DMK-led alliance, with its founder T Velmurugan objecting to what he described as the “big brother” attitude of the ruling party. Velmurugan, the incumbent MLA from Panruti, claimed that despite repeated requests regarding social justice and caste census demands, the DMK had ignored his party’s concerns. He confirmed that TaVK would not join the NDA, leaving its options open for alternative alliances ahead of the polls.
With the April 9 Assembly polls drawing closer, Kerala’s political landscape is witnessing a flurry of activity, marked by welfare pledges, alliance negotiations, and internal party disputes. Congress leader K C Venugopal on Sunday alleged a “CPI(M)-BJP nexus,” claiming the Left was attempting to manipulate the electoral outcome. Speaking to the media, he pointed to past collaborations between the two parties and criticised their handling of central schemes, including the PM-SHRI initiative, suggesting that local sentiments were being ignored.
Meanwhile, the CPI(M) leadership is attempting to maintain cohesion within the broader opposition INDIA bloc. CPI(M) general secretary M A Baby sought to downplay the recent verbal exchanges between the Left and Congress, stressing the need for “greater cooperation among parties in the INDIA bloc.” Baby underlined that the opposition should move beyond election-focused alliances and evolve into a people’s movement, warning that infighting could undermine collective opposition efforts.
Kerala Chief Minister Pinarayi Vijayan has been at the centre of recent exchanges, responding sharply to Congress leader Rahul Gandhi’s criticism, Gandhi had said that central agencies have arrested or called for questioning opposition leaders in the country, except the Kerala chief minister. Vijayan called it an “uncharitable assault.” Vijayan defended his position, pointing out that similar allegations against other leaders, such as former Delhi CM Arvind Kejriwal, had been legally dismissed. Baby defended Vijayan, saying his response was justified in the political context.
Adding further complexity, Ambalapuzha has become a flashpoint within the CPI(M). Four-time MLA G Sudhakaran, who did not renew his CPI(M) membership, is contesting the election as an independent with UDF support. Sudhakaran alleged that he and his family were attacked on social media and sidelined by party leaders. CPI(M) leader V Vijayaraghavan criticised Sudhakaran, saying he was motivated by parliamentary ambition and lacked understanding of the Communist Manifesto. Sudhakaran, however, maintained his position, asserting that the Malayalam word “chetta”, used by Vijayan to describe him, is also associated with poor households, a background he identifies with. He further stressed that he would not speak against Vijayan despite the remarks, highlighting a nuanced mix of personal loyalty and political independence. Sudhakaran will face sitting CPI(M) MLA H Salam in Ambalapuzha, with the UDF supporting him and no official candidate fielded from the alliance against him.
As election heat rises in Assam, the question of regional identity looms large, shaping both voter sentiment and political strategies. The state has long grappled with concerns over safeguarding its “identity” from the threat of “outsiders,” mainly illegal migrants, a core issue that has dominated Assam’s politics for decades.
For years, regional parties such as the Asom Gana Parishad (AGP), which emerged from the six-year-long Assam Agitation against illegal migration, were seen as the natural guardians of Assamese culture, language, and identity. But their relevance has waned over time, analysts say, as national parties have hijacked the cause of Assamese nationalismom, using the issue as an electoral plank while leveraging their greater resources and organizational reach.
Other regional outfits, like the Raijor Dal and Assam Jatiya Parishad, formed to champion Assamese identity, have aligned with the opposition Congress, a party traditionally accused of creating the illegal migrant problem to expand its vote bank. Analysts argue that the seeds for the decline of regional parties were sown when national parties began portraying themselves as the true defenders of Assamese nationalism, Congress under Tarun Gogoi in the mid-2000s, and later the BJP with its ‘jati, mati, bheti’ campaign.
A major phenomenon in Assam is the ongoing realignment of political loyalties. Congress leader Gaurav Gogoi framed the election as a contest between “Congress turncoats” now leading the BJP under CM Himanta Biswa Sarma and those who continue to follow his father’s legacy. Sarma, who joined the BJP in 2015 after leaving Congress, and his allies, including Pradyut Bordoloi and Bhupen Borah, now contest from traditional Congress strongholds, causing friction among long-time BJP and AGP cadres.
The move has sparked resentment among veteran BJP cadre, many of whom had expected tickets but were sidelined. In Dispur, senior BJP leader Jayanta Das resigned after being overlooked, citing the influx of former Congress members as an attempt to create a “Congress BJP.” Sitting MLAs denied tickets in New Guwahati, Guwahati Central, and Bihpuria have also expressed dissatisfaction, prompting Chief Minister Sarma and BJP state president Dilip Saikia to personally intervene and smooth tensions.
Adding to the list, Assam minister Nandita Garlosa joined the Congress on Sunday after being denied a ticket. Garlosa, who represented Haflong in the outgoing assembly, was replaced by newcomer Rupali Langthasa. She was welcomed by Congress leader Nirmal Langthasa at Haflong.
Ticket allocation disputes are not confined to Dispur or Guwahati. In Barak Valley, sitting MLAs Nihar Ranjan Das, Dipayan Chakraborty, and Mihir Kanti Som were denied tickets, and cabinet colleagues were sent to negotiate with them.
Despite these internal tensions, BJP leaders maintain that the party remains disciplined and focused. Sarma said that with 1,400 ticket aspirants, it was impossible to accommodate everyone, and priority was given to fresh faces who strengthened the grassroots organization. Meanwhile, Congress, contesting 100 seats with allies including Assam Jatiya Parishad, Raijor Dal, CPI(M), CPI(ML), and the All Party Hill Leaders Conference, argues that its coalition offers both continuity and credibility in defending Assamese identity.
Political analysts say the outcome will hinge on how Assamese voters balance the promise of strong regional voices with the organizational power and welfare promises of national parties. The state’s electorate faces a choice between continuity under the BJP-led administration, a revival of Congress influence through historical loyalties, and the potential resurgence of regional parties that claim to safeguard the unique identity of Assam.
(With inputs from PTI, ANI)