The promise of greater political space for women, amplified after the passage of the Nari Shakti Vandan Adhiniyam, appears distant in Kerala’s April 9 Assembly elections, with candidate lists reflecting a routine pattern of underrepresentation.
Despite women accounting for more than half of the electorate in the state, their presence in the electoral fray remains limited. Across 140 constituencies, major parties have fielded only a modest number of women candidates — CPI(M) (12), BJP (14), Congress (9) and CPI (5), according to PTI inputs.
Women make up only 10.5 % of the candidates — 54 women and one transgender person of 457 across 140 constituencies.
Kerala has over 1.39 crore women voters, outnumbering men, yet the gap between participation and representation remains stark. The enthusiasm following the passage of the Nari Shakti Vandan Adhiniyam in 2023 had raised expectations that parties would voluntarily increase women’s representation in this electoral cycle. However, candidate lists suggest otherwise.
Congress MLA P C Vishnunath told PTI that while attempts were made to field more women, factors such as “winnability” often influence final decisions. CPI(M) leader P K Sreemathi admitted that even the Left’s allocation of 18 seats to women within the LDF was insufficient, while also questioning the timing of renewed discussions around the Act.
Congress MP Jebi Mather pointed out that women’s participation in local body elections , aided by reservation, has touched up to 54 per cent, highlighting the importance of structural support. BJP leader M L Ashwini, meanwhile, cited the party’s internal representation and the Act as proof of its pro-women stance.
Political analyst G Gopakumar told PTI that entrenched patriarchy within party leadership continues to limit opportunities for women, making legislative reservation essential. Historically, women’s representation in the Kerala Assembly has never crossed 10 per cent since 1957.
Assam presents a similar yet more sharply defined imbalance between participation and representation. Women constitute nearly half of the electorate, over 1.24 crore out of around 2.49 crore voters and have recorded higher turnout than men in the last two Assembly elections, at 82.42 per cent in 2021 and 84.72 per cent in 2016, according to a report by The Assam Tribune.
However, this electoral enthusiasm has not translated into proportional political representation. As per an official release cited by PTI, just eight per cent of the 722 candidates contesting the 126 constituencies are women, 59 women against 663 men, with no third gender candidate in the fray.
Party-wise data further underlines the skew. The Congress has fielded 14 women candidates, while the BJP has named seven. AIUDF has two women candidates, while regional parties such as AGP and BPF have fielded just one woman each, The Assam Tribune reported.
The trend is consistent with past elections. In 2021, 76 women contested but only six were elected to the 126-member Assembly. In 2016, eight women won out of 91 candidates, according to The Assam Tribune. The numbers reinforce the structural barriers that continue to limit women’s electoral success.
Beyond the numbers, recent ticket decisions have also come into focus. Sitting minister Nandita Gorlosa was dropped by the BJP and subsequently joined the Congress to stay in the fray. In Kokrajhar, the Bodoland People’s Front has fielded Sewli Mohilary, replacing veteran Pramila Rani Brahma, who had indicated her intent to contest one final election.
The trajectories of several women leaders also reflect shifting political ground. Angoorlata Deka has not returned to the electoral fray after her 2021 defeat, while Ankita Dutta and Bismita Gogoi have changed parties in recent years. Former Deputy Speaker Renupoma Rajkhowa, too, is not in the contest this time, according to the Assam Tribune.
There are exceptions. Senior BJP leader and Finance Minister Ajanta Neog, seeking her sixth consecutive term, stands out as one of the longest-serving women legislators in the state. Leaders like Bijoya Chakravarty and Sushmita Dev have also built sustained political careers. Yet, these remain outliers.
Elections for both Kerala and Assam will be held on April 9, with counting scheduled for May 4. Taken together, the trends in the two states underline a persistent reality, even as women voters play a decisive role in electoral outcomes, their representation in candidate lists and legislative bodies continues to lag, reflecting structural constraints within party systems rather than a lack of public mandate.
A similar disconnect between participation and representation is visible in Tamil Nadu, where women voters outnumber men but remain underrepresented in electoral politics.
Despite being actively courted with welfare promises, from monthly cash transfers and free LPG refills to support for self-help groups and consumer goods, this attention has not translated into proportional representation. The state, which has had a woman chief minister in J Jayalalithaa for four terms, continues to see limited space for women in legislative politics.
Data over decades underscores the imbalance. Since 1967, a total of 1,609 women have contested Assembly elections in Tamil Nadu, but only 171 have been elected, around six per cent of the total strength of Assemblies over the years, according to a report by The Times of India.
Major parties reflect this trend. The DMK has fielded 105 women candidates across 13 elections, of whom 37 won. The AIADMK has nominated 154 women since 1977, with 93 victories, a higher success rate, particularly during Jayalalithaa’s tenure. In 1991, 25 of the 26 women candidates fielded by the party were elected, while in 2016, 16 of 29 nominees won, the report noted.
Yet, representation remains limited. The outgoing Assembly has just 12 women legislators.
Even as welfare-driven campaigns increasingly target women voters, ticket distribution has remained modest. In 2006, the DMK fielded 12 women candidates, while in 2011 both the DMK and AIADMK offered 11 and 12 seats respectively, despite expanding welfare schemes aimed at women. Notably, none of the 636 women who contested as Independents over the past six decades have won, according to The Times of India.
Structural challenges persist within party systems. Women leaders are often concentrated in select portfolios such as social welfare, Adi Dravida welfare and related sectors, with limited presence in core ministries. Political advancement, observers note, is frequently shaped by access to resources, organisational backing and social support, factors that tend to favour established networks.
There are exceptions and alternative approaches. Naam Tamilar Katchi (NTK) has fielded women in nearly half of the 234 constituencies in recent elections, positioning itself as an outlier in candidate distribution.
West Bengal stands out in the current electoral cycle, with the ruling All India Trinamool Congress (TMC) fielding 52 women candidates in its list of 291 nominees for the 294-member Assembly ahead of the two-phase polls on April 23 and 29.
Women form a significant share of the TMC’s candidate list, indicating a more deliberate push at the nomination stage.
This approach was visible during the 2024 Lok Sabha elections as well, where nearly 38 per cent of Trinamool’s elected MPs were women, the highest among major parties in the current Parliament, suggesting a degree of continuity between parliamentary and assembly-level strategies.
Chief Minister Mamata Banerjee will contest from Bhabanipur in south Kolkata, continuing as the central face of the party’s campaign. The list also reflects a broader reshuffle, with around 70 sitting MLAs, nearly a third were dropped amid concerns over anti-incumbency.